Black and Hispanic Faculty Underrepresented in Maryland Public Universities

Nira Dayanim, Capital News Service • November 14, 2023


Black and Hispanic communities are underrepresented among university faculty at Maryland’s six largest public universities, according to the 2021 Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS). This analysis does not include Maryland’s online universities or Historically Black Colleges and Universities.

 

IPEDS is an annual data collection system run through the U.S. Department of Education. 

 

These findings align with trends across the country, data shows. Maryland is the fourth most diverse state, according to the U.S. Census’ diversity index, and the most diverse state on the East Coast, according to the U.S. News and World Report. 





The U.S. Census projects that 32% of Maryland’s population is Black and 12% is Hispanic. At Maryland’s six largest in-person public universities, not including HBCUs — University of Maryland, Baltimore County; University of Maryland, College Park; Towson University; Frostburg State University; Salisbury University; and St. Mary’s College of Maryland — less than 6% of the total faculty is Black and less than 5% is Hispanic, as of 2021.

 




According to Laura Perna, Vice Provost for Faculty at University of Pennsylvania and a researcher on college access, faculty underrepresentation is a widespread issue, though the specifics differ by university. 

 

Across Maryland, faculty demographics vary widely. At Towson University, 7% of faculty were Black in fall 2021 and 3% were Hispanic. At Frostburg State University, those numbers were about halved, with 4% Black faculty and almost 1% Hispanic faculty. 

 

Prior to 2022, Maryland’s education code allowed individual public universities to implement their own plans for “cultural diversity.” In 2022, a new code was instituted, requiring public universities to ensure that faculty, staff, and administration demographics reflect the state’s diverse population.


Between 2016 and 2021, the percentages of Black and Hispanic faculty at the universities included in the analysis both increased by just under a percentage point. 

 

“It really is amazing how little progress there has been in some ways on this,” said Perna.

 

But not unexpected, according to Perna. Because positions open when current faculty members retire, seeing an increase in representation might take time. 

 

According to Dr. Kimberly Griffin, Dean of University of Maryland’s College of Education, many people assume that faculty will diversify alongside the student body. This “trickle up” system is unrealistic, she says. 


The problem is multifaceted, says Griffin. Academia is tasked with generating a pool, hiring inclusively, yielding candidates, onboarding hires, retaining them, and ultimately, promoting them. “We have to do more in all of those spaces,” says Griffin, whose research has, for years, focused on issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion in postsecondary education. 



According to Perna, one roadblock is “invisible labor”; faculty of color often take on work that requires time and energy but does not fit academia’s standard promotion metrics. 

 

“We should be looking at to what extent our definition of merit is very narrow,” said Perna. 

 

Underrepresented minorities often spend more time serving on committees and mentoring students of color, labor that often goes unrecognized, says Perna. Come time for promotions, publications and course evaluations are weighted more heavily. 

 

Research may also go unappreciated. According to Griffin, members of minority groups often pursue research in applied topics, like solutions to community issues.

 

“Bias that we have around what good work looks like, and what’s meaningful can shape how the tenure and promotion cases of women and men of color are perceived,” Griffin says. 

 

As the student body has diversified, the gap between representation among students and faculty has widened, straining faculty of color.

 

As of fall 2021, Black students made up 17% and Hispanic students made up 8% of the student body at the universities included in the CNS analysis. That was an increase of 10% and 19% since 2016, respectively. Faculty demographics remained stable. 

 

In 2021, the resulting ratio of Black students to Black faculty members was 60:1. The ratio of White students to White faculty members was 15:1.

 


According to Griffin, while it’s crucial for students of color to have role models and mentors of color, there isn’t enough faculty of color to shoulder that responsibility alone. “That’s a load everyone should share,” she said. 

 

A lack of diversity also impacts faculty of color pursuing tenure. At Maryland’s six largest in-person public universities, not including HBCUs, in 2021, 71% of tenured professors were White, 5% Black, and 4% were Hispanic, according to IPEDS. 

 

Across all six universities in 2021, there were 104 tenured Black professors, an increase of 3 professors from 2016, according to IPEDS. There were 10 more Black faculty members and 16 more Hispanic faculty members in tenure track positions than in 2016. 

 

A lack of diversity among tenured faculty can make it harder for some faculty of color to find mentors as they pursue tenure, though many members of academia, like Griffin, are trying to combat this by developing intentional mentoring policy.

 

“Mentorship that helps you build a sense of connection and community in your unit and in your college is also really important for helping folks get to tenure,” said Griffin. 

 

Tenure and tenure track positions provide more job security than other faculty roles. In Maryland in 2021, 38% of Hispanic faculty and 30% of Black faculty were not tenured or on tenure track compared to 27% of White faculty. 

 

Katharina Maisel, a bioengineering professor at the University of Maryland, College Park, co-authored a list of best practices for increasing diversity alongside several other faculty members in the STEM field. 


According to Maisel, diversifying the faculty, especially tenure and tenure track, takes intention at every stage of the process, from inviting people to apply, inviting people for internships, and checking your shortlist to make sure you’re not just inviting people from Ivy League schools. 

 

But it’s possible. 

 

In science, technology, engineering, and math, says Maisel, a tendency to be overspecific in job listings can discourage faculty from underrepresented backgrounds. Being broader can cut through imposter syndrome and help develop a wider applicant pool.

 

Using rubrics to evaluate a candidate for hiring or promotion can help ensure an objective set of criteria, helping reel in internal biases, Maisel said.



“If you as a department are really actively interested in increasing the diversity of your faculty, there are things you can do,” Maisel said.

 

 

Capital News Service is a student-powered news organization run by the University of Maryland Philip Merrill College of Journalism. For 26 years, they have provided deeply reported, award-winning coverage of issues of import to Marylanders.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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