Book Review: “Unthinkable: Trauma, Truth, and the Trials of American Democracy,” by Rep. Jamie Raskin

Gren Whitman • February 15, 2022


A father’s elegy and free-swinging political chronicle, Unthinkable: Trauma, Truth, and the Trials of American Democracy begins on Dec. 31, 2020, the day Rep. Jamie Raskin’s 25-year-old son, Tommy, commits suicide. It continues through the seditious riot at the Capitol just a week later and ends on Feb. 13, 2021, as 43 GOP senators refuse to convict President Trump following his second impeachment.

 

After 25 years of teaching constitutional law at American University, Raskin — a liberal Democrat — won a seat in the Maryland Senate from Montgomery County in 2007. Elected then to the U.S. Congress in 2017, he now finds himself at the epicenter of the House Select Committee’s investigation into the January 6 insurrection on Capitol Hill.

 

Who better than a constitutional law professor to take on a constitutional criminal, Donald J. Trump?

 

Raskin’s anguish at Tommy’s death mixes with his anger at Trump and his gang. He takes us from his family’s private tragedy in Takoma Park to the public eruption on Capitol Hill. Deeply personal, his complicated book is a jumble of sorrow, fury, political reporting, and lessons in the law, with his family in mourning and his nation in shock.


Raskin reaches into history for this parallel. In the aftermath of the 1964 murders in Mississippi of three civil rights volunteers, Bob Moses — visionary leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee — posed this question: If the county sheriff does the murder, then what happens to justice?


Considering Trump’s role in the January 6 debacle, Raskin reframes Moses’ question: If the U.S. president plans and launches an insurrection against the government, what happens to our constitutional democracy?


Raskin casts Trump not as a homicidal sheriff, but as a firebug fire chief: “Trump was the town fire chief, who is paid to put out fires, but who instead sends a mob to set the theater on fire. Then, when the fire alarms go off, he does nothing but sit back, encourage the mob to continue its arson, and watch on TV, with unmitigated glee and delight, as the fire spreads.”


And there’s this: Was the January 6 assault on the Capitol and Congress merely a petulant tantrum, or was it an attempted coup that failed to secure another term for Trump after he lost to Joe Biden? Raskin argues that Trump and his cronies failed at a coup.

To analyze this attempted power grab, Raskin describes “three essential rings of activity.” The first was “the riot ring, containing multitudes of protesters turned rioters,” those thousands of MAGA acolytes who stormed the Capitol, fought hit-and-miss with Capitol police, and finally were routed by the National Guard. Hundreds of these Trump minions have been charged with various offenses.

 

The second ring was the “militarized insurrection ring,” the Proud Boys, Three Percenters, Oath Keepers, Ku Kluxers, private militias, neo-Nazis, et al., who were organized, armed, and ready to injure and even kill members of Congress and Vice President Mike Pence. After arrests, this group faces far more serious charges.

 

The third was the “innermost ring of the coup that Trump operated, likely along with Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, Rudy Giuliani, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, Michael Flynn, Sen. Josh Hawley, Rep. Jim Jordan, and the most extreme elements of the GOP House and Senate conferences.” They are all under intense investigation.

 

Eight senators and 139 representatives — Andrew P. Harris (R-MD1) among them — abetted this effort by voting not to certify the vote counts from six states.

 

January 6 was no last-minute, bumbling clown act. No, it was an insurrection aimed at forcing Pence to repudiate his constitutional restrictions by rejecting the electoral votes from Arizona, Georgia, and Pennsylvania. This would have pushed Biden’s Electoral College tally below 270 and triggered a “contingent election” in the House. Ta-da! Coup! Trump retakes the Oval Office!

 

Trump’s defenders claim the First Amendment shields him from consequences after his incendiary speech to his mob on the Mall. Raskin counters by asking, “How can the president claim that free speech gives him the right to destroy our constitutional democracy, steal our election, and make a mockery out of everyone else’s free speech?”

 

Trump’s defenders also claim his second impeachment was illegitimate because it occurred only a week before the end of his four-year term. Raskin argues that a “January exception” to the Constitution would be “an invitation to the president to take his best shot at anything he may want to do on his way out the door, including violent means to lock that door, to hold on to the Oval Office at all costs, and to block the peaceful transfer of power.”

 

Reading Unthinkable is difficult at every level, detailing as it does the emotional aftermath of Tommy’s death, the searing details of Trump’s insurrectionary coup attempt on January 6, Trump’s second impeachment by the House, and his acquittal by the Senate.

 

And we, the people, are not past this yet, not by a long shot!

 

Almost daily we learn of a new development in a court case. Another January 6 rioter is convicted. Another witness testifies. The Select Committee issues another subpoena. The Select Committee subpoenas “alternate electors” from seven states. The Select Committee seeks information from Ivanka Trump. Georgia’s attorney general assembles a grand jury. State and city courts in New York examine Trump’s business practices.

 

As Benjamin Franklin walked out of Independence Hall after the Constitutional Convention concluded in 1787, so the story goes, a woman asked him, “Doctor, what have we? A republic or a monarchy?” Franklin replied, “a republic, madame, if you can keep it.”

 

Maryland’s Jamie Raskin adores his family and his large circle of friends. He loves the law, is passionate about the Constitution, and detests liars, thieves, and political mountebanks, in particular ex-President Trump and Rep. Jordan. When we do manage to keep our republic, he’ll be a big reason why!

 

 

As a community organizer, journalist, administrator, project planner/manager, and consultant, Gren Whitman has led neighborhood, umbrella, public interest, and political committees and groups, and worked for civil rights and anti-war organizations.

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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