Eastern Shore Data Briefs: Three Employment Measures

Jan Plotczyk • May 9, 2023


Our last data brief talked about some demographic measures in Eastern Shore counties. This time we’ll explore a few employment measures.

 

These data are from the American Community Survey (ACS), a program of the U.S. Census Bureau. ACS replaced the decennial census long form in 2010. ACS asks questions of a representative, randomized sample of about three-and-a-half million residents of the United States to produce yearly estimates of detailed social, demographic, housing, and economic information.

 

The estimates in the tables below are from ACS 2016-2020. The five-year estimates enable data from smaller jurisdictions — such as Eastern Shore counties — to be released; the ACS is often the only source of these data for rural and small communities.

 

Questionnaires for ACS are completed over a 12-month period, so respondents report their data at different times during the year. While this aspect of the survey does not usually have an effect on the data collected, it can affect employment data. Employment status is reported as of a “reference week,” that is, the calendar week prior to the date the respondent completed the questionnaire. This methodology accounts for the differences in unemployment rates as calculated by ACS and those reported by the state, which are calculated monthly using employment status as of the 12th of the month.

 


Mean travel time to work is the average travel time that workers took to get from home to work (one way) during the reference week. Work from home is not included. Travel can be by any mode. Travel time includes time spent waiting for public transportation, picking up passengers and carpools, and time spent in other activities related to getting to work.

 

According to ACS, average travel time to work has increased in the U.S. almost every year since 2006 (when it was 25 mins); the mean in 2019 was 28 minutes.

 

It should be no surprise that Queen Anne’s County residents have the longest average commute, as a significant portion of the working population travels across the Bay Bridge to the western shore for work. Travel time for these commuters would include any time waiting in a bridge backup. Please note: the ACS question asks for the time going TO work; if the question were FROM work, Queen Anne’s average travel time would be even longer, as east bound bridge delays are more frequent and longer than west bound.

 

In the U.S., between 2019 and 2021, the percentage of people primarily working from home tripled from 6% (roughly 9 million people) to 18% (27 million people), according to new 2021 ACS 1-year estimates. Maryland was one of four states with the highest percentage of home-based workers, all about 25% (DC was highest at 48%).

 

Those of us who live here have first-hand knowledge that this trend existed in the Eastern Shore counties as well; next year’s 5-year ACS estimates will no doubt reflect that.

 


Median household income is an annual measure. This chart shows income as measured in 2020 inflation-adjusted dollars.

 

Household income includes more than just earnings — that is, wage, salary, and self-employment income. Additional categories of income include interest, dividends, or net rental income; Social Security income; Supplemental Security income (SSI); public assistance income; retirement income; and any other income that doesn’t fit these listed categories.

 

Queen Anne’s County has the highest median household income on the Eastern Shore, no doubt reflecting the higher salaries paid on the western shore to its many bridge commuters. Cecil County is second highest; the county’s easy access to I-95 and thus to metropolitan areas to the north and south account for this. Somerset County, the most isolated county, has a median household income less than half of Queen Anne’s.

 

Maryland’s median household income in 2020 was $87,063 (surpassed by Queen Anne’s by over $9000). The median household income for the U.S. was $71,186 (surpassed by three Shore counties).

 

Median household income is substantially lower in rural areas than in urban areas, although often a lower cost of living mitigates this deficit. Nationally, since 2007, rural median income has averaged 25% below the urban median.

 

Not all Shore counties are considered rural, however. Five Shore counties were reclassified as metro/urban when they were incorporated into Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) by the federal government in 2013: Cecil (part of the Philadelphia MSA); Queen Anne’s (part of the Baltimore MSA); and Wicomico, Worcester, and Somerset (part of the Salisbury MSA). If you’ve ever driven in Somerset County you may disagree with this urban characterization.

 

The other four Shore counties — Caroline, Dorchester, Kent, and Talbot — are still considered rural, not persistent poverty counties. More on that next time.

 


Unemployment rates on the Shore varied as estimated by the ACS 2016-2020, from a low of 2.9% in Talbot County to 9.2% in Somerset. Maryland’s unemployment rate was 5.2% for the same period; the U.S. rate was 5.4%.

 

Unemployment rate is calculated much as you would expect, including all civilians 16 years and older, unless their work activity consisted of only work around the house or unpaid volunteer work, or unless they were institutionalized.

 

A person is considered employed if they were at work during the reference week, or were temporarily absent from their job.

 

A person is considered unemployed if they were neither at work nor temporarily absent, and were actively looking for work, and were available to start a job. (Anyone not satisfying all three criteria is not considered unemployed.)

 

The unemployment rate is calculated as the number of unemployed people divided by the civilian labor force (employed + unemployed).

 

ACS is based on a sample, rather than all people and households, so the rates and quantities reported are calculated estimates, not actual values. This means that there is a degree of uncertainty associated with them, known as sampling error. In general, the larger the sample, the smaller the level of sampling error. The Census Bureau calculates a margin of error (MOE) for each estimate; this provides a range of values within which the actual, “real-world” value is likely to fall.

 

This chart shows the estimates from the chart above, plus the range of values calculated using the margin of error.

 


In other words, while the published unemployment rate estimate for Talbot County is 2.9%, there is a calculated margin of error equal to ±0.9%, meaning that the actual unemployment rate in Talbot will fall somewhere between 2.0% and 3.8%. Notice that the margin of error is very low in Maryland and the U.S. because the number of respondents is higher. The margin of error increases as the size of the sample decreases; Somerset County had a small sample, thus the ±2.6% margin of error. (See Appendix Table for margin of error values.)

 

That’s it for this edition of Eastern Shore Data Briefs. Next time we’ll take a look at some community characteristics of Eastern Shore counties.

 


Appendix: Table of unemployment rate estimates and margins of error, American Community Survey, 2016-2020:

 



Jan Plotczyk spent 25 years as a survey and education statistician with the federal government, at the Census Bureau and the National Center for Education Statistics. She retired to Rock Hall.



Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
Show More