FEMA is No Substitute for Home Insurance

CSES Staff • January 9, 2019

The stated mission of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) is “Helping people before, during, and after disasters.” In partnership with state and local agencies and private organizations such as the American Red Cross, the Salvation Army, and many others, FEMA is tasked with helping people recover from disaster. However, the help they can provide is limited.

A FEMA employee, recently returned from extended field duty, spoke at length with the staff of Common Sense Eastern Shore. He assisted people whose homes were damaged by flooding (Hurricane Florence) and uprooted trees (Hurricane Michael) to apply for FEMA aid and shepherd them through the complex process of obtaining it. He detailed key limits of that assistance:


  • Cash grants to repair home damages are only awarded to very-low-income people whose homes are underinsured or not insured at all. The maximum award is $34,900, regardless of the extent of the damage.
  • Most assistance from FEMA is provided in the form of subsidized, low-interest loans up to $200,000, confusingly administered by the Small Business Administration.
  • The amount of a grant or loan is only enough to make the living area of a home “safe, sanitary, and functional”—not to fully restore a house or yard to its pre-disaster condition. FEMA does not help to fix sheds, porches, fences—or even spare bedrooms no one sleeps in.
  • In recent years FEMA has only rarely provided trailer homes. Instead, FEMA usually helps a family to rent temporary lodging while their home is being repaired.
  • Renters can get help for damaged personal property, such as furniture or appliances damaged by water or power surges, but fixing a rented dwelling is the sole responsibility of the landlord.
  • Grants are only available for a person’s primary residence—rental property and second homes can only receive loans.
  • Assistance is only provided to actual homeowners. He was surprised at how many people cannot prove they own the house they live in because they inherited the property or it is legally owned by a relative or ex-spouse. And sometimes proof of ownership gets lost in the disaster.
  • FEMA does not help with mold that might develop as a result of a leaking roof or delayed repairs from flood damage. Homeowners need to fix these problems right away, weeks or months before financial assistance is awarded.
  • Those who live in a flood zone and obtain assistance without signing up for the government flood insurance program won’t receive help the next time disaster strikes.
  • FEMA’s Individual and Household Assistance program does not help those who are not legal citizens (unless a child is a citizen), or who were homeless at the time of the disaster.

Our source pointed out that the above list illustrates the complexity of FEMA’s assistance programs. In his experience, the application process was not easy for those who are unaccustomed to dealing with bureaucracy, particularly the elderly, chronically ill, mentally disabled, or anyone who has trouble comprehending government legalese. Letters often begin with, “You have been denied…”, which most people interpret as a stop sign instead of a speed bump that often can be overcome with an appeal letter (which needs to be notarized) and evidence of need. Many people who were dealing with the trauma of disaster or the stress of coping with its aftermath would simply give up on applying for FEMA aid, unaware that persistence pays.

Our informant explained that FEMA’s programs are extraordinarily complex as a result of the layered, piecemeal, inconsistent set of laws they are built upon. Regulations and procedures often seem more aimed at preventing duplication and fraud than assuring that every citizen who genuinely needs help gets it. Yet, his impression is that fraud is actually quite rare—he identified only two possible instances of attempted fraud out of the hundreds of applications he dealt with. FEMA’s complexity requires a huge and cumbersome bureaucracy to administer the programs; antiquated computer systems require a high degree of staff training, which the agency struggles to provide. He observed that FEMA employees who thoroughly understands the nuances of the various programs and who also possesses good customer service skills are rare.

Despite the agency’s flaws, our source says that FEMA does a lot of good work and he intends to continue with them. His major advice to homeowners and renters living on the vulnerable Eastern Shore is, “Obtain the best insurance policies you can afford. Don’t rely on FEMA or related organizations to make you whole.” Dangerous climate change is not a distant future threat, but today’s reality.


Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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