Maryland Becomes Haven for Out-of-State Abortion Seekers, Providers

Abby Zimmardi, Capital News Service • October 11, 2022


Off Old Georgetown Road, just south of Interstate 270 and not far from where abortion opponents are known to stand in the median and protest, is one of few abortion clinics in the U.S. that offers abortions in the latter stages of pregnancy.

 

Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in late June, the clinic’s staff has worked overtime to provide care to the influx of out-of-state patients.

 

When abortion was a federally protected right, the staff at Clinics for Abortion & Reproductive Excellence, CARE, typically saw 15 to 17 patients a week. In the months since abortions were left to states’ discretion, the number of patients from other states has surged, officials at the clinic said.

 

The acting clinic administrator and medical assistant at CARE is Kelsey, identified by only her first name for security reasons. Out-of-state people now account for a large portion of patients, and numerous referrals come from the South, Kelsey said.

 

Dr. LeRoy Carhart, the medical director, echoed Kelsey’s comments.

 

“We’re increasing every week,” Carhart said. “We have 24 patients on the schedule right now this week. Almost every week, we have one or two patients from Mississippi or Atlanta.”

 

Abortion providers in Maryland said they are seeing the impact of the reversal of Roe v. Wade as increasing numbers of out-of-state patients and even staff members from closed healthcare facilities make their way to their doors.

 

At Hillcrest Clinic, an abortion provider in Catonsville, Md., the staff has received calls from workers at abortionfinder.org and ineedana.com, websites that help people locate abortion clinics, said Hillcrest’s administrator, Charlotte.

 

Charlotte, who asked to be identified by her first name only for security reasons, said she thinks those calls are helping out-of-state clients find her clinic.



People from the surrounding states of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Ohio, and also numerous patients from Texas, have come to Hillcrest to receive an abortion, she said. The result, she said, is an uptick in patients overall.

 

Clinics in Maryland were already seeing patients from West Virginia, even before that state virtually outlawed all abortions, because of abortion restrictions that previously existed in the state.

 

Whole Woman’s Health, an abortion provider, has clinics in Indiana, Virginia, Minnesota, and Maryland. The organization did have four clinics in Texas, but due to the state’s strict abortion laws, those clinics were closed, said Marva Sadler, senior director of clinical services. The staff from those shuttered facilities have been referring Texas patients to their clinics outside the state, including its Baltimore location, she said.

 

At CARE, Kelsey said many of their patients are from Georgia. Under the state’s new law, abortions are outlawed after six weeks of pregnancy.

 

An official at Planned Parenthood Southeast said provisions in the law appear to be modeled after the Texas abortion law, which allows citizens to bring lawsuits against other Texans involved in helping a person receive an abortion.

 

Consequently, workers at Summit Medical Associate in Atlanta said for fear of running afoul of the law, they have been told not to refer patients to clinics outside the state. Instead, they can only refer patients to abortionfinder.org.

 

“It’s real hard,” said Yaya Guy, medical assistant at the facility. “We know the clinics where they can go to, but that part of the law restricts us from doing that.”

 

A large number of new patients from Mississippi at CARE are related to the closure of Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the state’s only abortion provider. The Mississippi clinic was the face of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the landmark ruling that reversed Roe v. Wade.

 

When women do decide to venture out of state for an abortion, it can be extremely difficult, Maryland providers said.

 

“Clinics go out of business, and then it becomes a fight for women to find the next closest one, which then [involves] coordinating with childcare and coordinating travel costs,” Kelsey said. “It's just a huge take-on task for so many women to try to figure out how to do that.”

 

The overturning of Roe has caused not only patients to come to Maryland. Staffs from closed abortion clinics in other states are arriving as well in search of jobs.

 

CARE’s staff now includes workers who moved from other clinics to Maryland to continue their work as abortion providers. One staff member, Sue, who also wanted to be identified by only her first name, came from Tennessee, a state with a near-total abortion ban.

 

Sue, a nurse practitioner, said she could no longer work in Tennessee because under the state’s laws, performing an abortion is considered a Class C felony, which could lead to up to 15 years in prison.

 

“I also have a young daughter, and I'm not from Tennessee originally, but I had lived there for the past 12 years,” she said. “I had always said to my husband that we would not raise a daughter in a state that didn't have full-scope reproductive care for women. So, that was sort of the last straw for us, and that's why we relocated up here.”

 

There are dozens of abortion clinics across Maryland, and there are new ones in the works. In the most recent year for data on abortion clinics, 2017, there were 44 Maryland locations with providers offering abortions, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a nonprofit organization that reports on reproductive health and rights.

 

“Luckily, there are enough clinics in Maryland that I think we'll be able to take care of all the Marylanders who need us, and then do as much as we can for the out-of-state folks,” Sue said.

 

As a nurse practitioner, Sue is legally allowed to perform abortions in Maryland under the Abortion Care Act, which passed in the General Assembly during its last session and went into effect on July 1. The new law provides $3.5 million to train nurse practitioners and other medical professionals to perform the abortions.

 

As a result, Carhart said he trained two nurse practitioners to work at CARE and provide abortions. Along with the nurse practitioners, CARE’s staff has grown to include one registered nurse, six medical assistants, one full-time doctor and three part-time physicians.

 

Although the CARE team has increased, Carhart said he has been working six days a week rather than four, his typical work schedule before the Supreme Court’s ruling.

 


Carhart began performing abortions in 1970 as a junior in medical school. He is well-known for practicing abortions in the later stage of pregnancy. He worked with George Tiller, a physician who performed the same procedures in Kansas, and who was gunned down while in church in 2009 in Witchita, Kansas, by an anti-abortion extremist. In 2013, he was featured in a documentary on Tiller’s life and murder,

 

Carhart was threatened in 1991 when anti-abortionists set numerous fires on his Nebraska property that burned down his home and farm, killing 21 horses, a dog, and cat.

 

Additionally, Carhart was involved in the U.S. Supreme Court case Stenberg v. Carhart, in which Carhart argued that a Nebraska law that prohibits “partial-birth abortion,” violated the 14th Amendment. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 in Carhart’s favor in 2000.

 

He is also known for Gonzales v. Carhart, in which Congress passed and former President Bush signed into law a bill that banned partial-birth abortions. Carhart sued to stop the act from going into effect. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled against him in a 5-4 decision in 2007.

 

Carhart recently treated a patient from another state at CARE who was forced to carry her pregnancy for 30 weeks, because where she lived in the Southeast, an area with restrictive abortion laws, she could not find any clinic that could legally give her an abortion at her stage in the pregnancy, Carhart said.

 

The woman wanted an abortion because her baby had a brain hemorrhage, had not moved for weeks, and did not have a chance at survival, he said.

 

“It just took her that long to find somebody who would take care of her, and that's the biggest part right now,” he said. “They're devastated. They don't know where to go.”



Capital News Service is a student-powered news organization run by the University of Maryland Philip Merrill College of Journalism. For 26 years, they have provided deeply reported, award-winning coverage of issues of import to Marylanders.


Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By John Christie December 16, 2025
When I practiced law, much of my litigation involved issues arising under federal antitrust laws. The Department of Justice (DOJ) was my frequent adversary in court. In some cases, DOJ challenged a client’s conduct as anticompetitive. In others, they claimed an intended client merger would create a monopoly. Some of these DOJ court battles were won, others were not. Overall, I had great respect for DOJ lawyers. They were professional, well prepared, and dedicated to their mission of seeing justice done. They were courteous, honest, and forthright with the courts before which we argued our cases. In those days, without resorting to social media or press conferences, the DOJ spoke entirely through its court filings. Although as an advocate I took issue with various DOJ investigatory decisions as well as decisions to initiate litigation, I never thought politics was involved. Post-Watergate internal rules strictly limited communication with any figures at the White House. Not so, it seems, anymore. Beginning last January 20, all of this changed rapidly and spectacularly . On March 14, Trump triumphantly arrived at the main DOJ building in D.C. to be welcomed by a group of carefully selected VIPs. He was greeted by Pam Bondi, his chosen new attorney general, who exclaimed, “We are so proud to work at the directive (sic) of Donald Trump.” Bondi’s boast that the DOJ now worked at the president’s behest was something never said before and, in effect, surrendered the department’s long and proud independence. And Bondi’s comment was not an empty gesture. As chronicled by reporters Carol Leonnig and Aaron Davis in their new book, Injustice: How Politics and Fear Vanquished America’s Justice Department , within hours of being sworn in, Trump and his lieutenants began punishing those at the Justice Department who had investigated him or those he considered his political enemies. Career attorneys with years of experience under many administrations were fired or reassigned to lesser work, or they resigned. As Leonnig and Davis report, what followed was “the wholesale overthrow of the Justice Department as Trump insert[ed] his dutiful former defense attorneys and 2020 election deniers atop the department.” [Source: Injustice , p. xix.] In the place of years of experience, the new team appears credentialed simply by loyalty to the president’s causes. The DOJ’s conduct in court has since caused damage to judicial and public faith in the integrity and competence of the department. Just Security is an independent, non-partisan, daily digital law and policy journal housed in the Reiss Center on Law and Security at the New York University School of Law. Since January 20, it has documented federal judicial concerns about DOJ conduct. In 26 cases, judges raised questions about DOJ non-compliance with judicial orders and in more than 60 cases, judges expressed distrust of government-provided information and representations. This count was taken the day after a federal court dismissed the DOJ cases against former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James. [Source: Just Security , “The ‘Presumption of Regularity’ in Trump Administration Litigation,” Nov. 20, 2025.] As summarized by the Georgetown Law Center’s Steve Vladeck, “It’s one thing for the Department of Justice to so transparently pursue a politically motivated prosecution. But this one has been beset from the get-go with errors that remotely competent law students wouldn’t make. Indeed, it seems a virtual certainty that the Keystone Kops-like behavior of the relevant government lawyers can be traced directly to the political pressure to bring this case; there’s a reason why no prosecutors with more experience, competence, or integrity were willing to take it on.” [Source: One First , Nov. 24, 2025.] Rather than accept criticism and instead of trying to do better, Bondi’s DOJ and the Trump administration lash out in a fashion apparently aimed at demeaning the federal judiciary. At a recent Federalist Society’s National Lawyers Convention, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, one of Trump’s former defense attorneys, attributed the Trump administration’s myriad losses in the lower federal courts to “rogue activist judges.” He added, “There’s a group of judges that are repeat players, and that’s obviously not by happenstance, that’s intentional, and it’s a war, man.” Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller decries each adverse ruling against the Trump administration as just part of a broader “judicial insurrection.” Not to be left behind, Trump himself regularly complains of “radical left lunatic” judges. In addition to the harm these comments inflict on the federal courts, their premise is simply not true. According to a survey by Vladeck, as of Nov. 14, there were 204 cases in which federal district courts have ruled on requests for preliminary relief against the Trump administration. In 154 of them, district judges granted either a temporary restraining order, a preliminary injunction, or both. Those 154 rulings came from 121 district judges appointed by seven presidents (including President Trump) in 29 district courts. In the 154 cases with rulings adverse to the Trump administration, 41 were presided over by 30 Republican-appointed judges, fully half of whom were appointed by President Trump. No, it is no longer your grandfather’s Department of Justice. John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By CSES Staff December 16, 2025
The Salisbury City Council has appointed longtime public servant Melissa D. Holland to fill the vacancy in District 2. Holland was selected on Dec. 1 after the council reviewed several applicants. A 27-year resident of Salisbury, Holland brings more than 20 years of experience in government, education, and administration. As executive assistant to the president of the University of Maryland Center for Environmental Science, she currently oversees operations, budgeting, communications, and planning. Before joining UMCES, Holland worked for nearly 11 years with the Wicomico County Council, gaining extensive experience in legislative procedure, constituent services, research, and budget preparation. Her background includes positions with the Wicomico County Board of Education, the State of Maryland’s Holly Center, and multiple early-learning programs. Approved by a 3-1 council vote, Holland was selected based on her administrative expertise and long-standing community involvement. (Salisbury’s City Council is now comprised of only women.) She has a bachelor’s degree in legal studies from Post University and an associate degree from Wor-Wic Community College. She has also served as PTA president at East Salisbury Elementary and Wicomico Middle School. In her application, Holland emphasized her commitment to maintaining transparency in city government and ensuring that District 2 residents remain informed and represented. “I plan to be well-informed on the issues that matter to the citizens of Salisbury and to listen to their concerns carefully,” she wrote. “I want to make a positive and lasting impact on our city.” Holland’s appointment restores the City Council to full membership as it faces debates over budgeting, infrastructure planning, and local governance initiatives. She is expected to begin constituent outreach immediately and participate fully in the selection of the next council president.
By CSES Staff November 4, 2025
Voters in Hurlock have delivered sweeping changes in this year’s municipal election, as Republican and GOP-aligned candidates won key races there. The results mark a setback for Democrats and a significant political shift in a community that has historically leaned Democratic in state and federal contests. The outcome underscores how local organizing and turnout strategies can have an outsized impact in small-town elections. Analysts also suggest that long-term party engagement in municipal contests could shape voter alignment in future county and state races. Political analysts warn that ignoring municipal elections and ceding them to the GOP could hurt the Maryland Democratic Party in statewide politics. Turnout increased by approximately 17% compared with the 2021 municipal election, reflecting heightened local interest in the mayoral and council races. Incumbent Mayor Charles Cephas, a Democrat, was soundly defeated by At-Large Councilmember Earl Murphy, who won with roughly 230 votes to Cephas’s 144. In the At-Large Council race, Jeff Smith, an independent candidate backed by local Republicans, secured a 15-point win over Cheyenne Chase. In District 2, Councilmember Bonnie Franz, a Republican, was re-elected by 40 percentage points over challenger Zia Ashraf, who previously served on the Dorchester Democratic Central Committee. The only Democrat to retain a seat on the council was David Higgins, who was unopposed. The Maryland Republican Party invested resources and campaign attention in the Hurlock race, highlighting it on statewide social media and dispatching party officials, including Maryland GOP Chair Nicole Beus Harris, to campaign. Local Democrats emphasized support for Mayor Cephas through the Dorchester County Democratic Central Committee, but the Maryland Democratic Party did not appear to participate directly.
By CSES Staff November 4, 2025
In what political observers are calling a clear break from Maryland’s moderate Republican establishment, Wicomico County Executive Julie Giordano chose former Gov. Bob Ehrlich — not former Gov. Larry Hogan — as the guest of honor at her re-election fundraiser in late October. Billed as Giordano’s annual Harvest Party, her event drew conservative activists from across the lower Eastern Shore and featured Ehrlich as keynote speaker. This was immediately read by insiders as a signal that Giordano will embrace the party’s right-wing base ahead of 2026, distancing herself from Hogan’s more centrist, bipartisan image. “Bringing in Bob Ehrlich instead of Larry Hogan wasn’t accidental,” one longtime Republican strategist said. “It shows Giordano wants to plant her flag with the MAGA-aligned wing of the party, the same voters who now dominate Maryland’s Republican primary base.” Hogan, who has hinted at another run for governor, was notably absent from this year’s Tawes Crab and Clam Bake in Somerset County, a high-profile gathering long considered essential for statewide contenders. Coupled with Giordano’s public alignment with Ehrlich, Hogan’s absence has fueled speculation that his influence within Maryland’s GOP is slipping. Those doubts were amplified by new polling data. A statewide survey commissioned by the Baltimore Banner found Gov. Wes Moore (D) leading Hogan 45% to 37% in a hypothetical 2026 matchup, with 14% undecided. The poll, conducted by phone and web from Oct. 7–10 among more than 900 registered voters, carries a margin of error of 3.2 percentage points. The results suggest that while Hogan remains popular among moderates and independents, Moore continues to hold a firm advantage statewide, particularly among Democrats and younger voters. Giordano’s decision to align herself with Ehrlich rather than Hogan further illustrates the ideological divide defining Maryland Republicans heading into 2026. As the party drifts further to the right, analysts say Hogan’s brand of pragmatic centrism may no longer have a natural home in today’s GOP. For now, Ehrlich’s appearance in Salisbury is being seen as a symbolic moment, one that cements Giordano’s status as a leading figure in the state’s Trump-aligned movement and underscores how quickly the political winds have shifted. For Hogan, once seen as the Republican best positioned to reclaim the governor’s office, that shift may mark the end of an era.
By Jan Plotczyk November 4, 2025
Can Maryland create a new congressional map that will flip the state’s sole Republican district to the Democrats? Gov. Wes Moore has created a Governor's Redistricting Advisory Commission to consider mid-cycle redistricting and Maryland has jumped into the redistricting fray. The commission will conduct public hearings, solicit public feedback, and present recommendations to the governor and Maryland General Assembly. “My commitment has been clear from day one — we will explore every avenue possible to make sure Maryland has fair and representative maps,” said Moore. “And we also need to make sure that, if the president of the United States is putting his finger on the scale to try to manipulate elections because he knows that his policies cannot win in a ballot box, then it behooves each and every one of us to be able to keep all options on the table to ensure that the voters’ voices can actually be heard .” Moore’s commission is one of those options — a response to Trump’s call to Republican-led states to create more GOP House districts before the 2026 midterm elections. Three GOP states — Texas, Missouri, and North Carolina — have completed a Trump gerrymander for a gain of seven seats and three more states — Indiana, Utah, and Ohio — could create new maps with a total of four additional Republican seats. That would make 11, should they withstand challenges. Democratic-led states made a lot of noise at first about countering these GOP efforts, but only California and Virginia have campaigns for new maps underway. California wants to flip five seats and Virginia hopes for up to four. Optimistically, that could add up to as many as nine. Maryland’s goal would be to add one Democratic seat. Other states on both sides could soon follow, in some cases taking advantage of existing redistricting deadlines or ongoing litigation. Maryland State Senate President Bill Ferguson (D-Balto City) is not in favor of mid-cycle redistricting, calling it too dicey. “Simply put, it is too risky and jeopardizes Maryland’s ability to fight against the radical Trump administration. At a time where every seat in Congress matters, the potential for ceding yet another one to Republicans here in Maryland is simply too great,” Ferguson wrote in a letter to Senate Democrats. Rep. Andrew P. Harris (R-MD01), whose district would be targeted by redistricting, called the effort "the most partisan thing you could do." He whined, “It just wouldn’t be fair.” Harris warned that any redistricting could backfire on the Democrats. “We will take this to court, it will go as high as necessary, and in the end, a judge could draw a map that actually has two or three Republican congressmen,” Harris said. “I’d caution the Democrats, be careful what you wish for.” Harris and his wife, Maryland GOP Chair Nicole Beus Harris, have perhaps already worked out a strategy. The Governor’s Redistricting Advisory Commission, last constituted by Gov. Martin O’Malley in 2011, will begin its work this month. The five-member commission includes: Chair: Senator Angela Alsobrooks Senate President Bill Ferguson or designee Speaker Adrienne A. Jones or designee Former Attorney General Brian Frosh Cumberland Mayor Ray Morriss “We have a president that treats our democracy with utter contempt. We have a Republican party that is trying to rig the rules in response to their terrible polling,” said Sen. Alsobrooks. “Let me be clear: Maryland deserves a fair map that represents the will of the people. That’s why I’m proud to chair this commission. Our democracy depends on all of us standing up in this moment.” Will Maryland’s First District finally be competitive? Can we at long last replace “AWOL Andy” Harris? Stay tuned…. Jan Plotczyk spent 25 years as a survey and education statistician with the federal government, at the Census Bureau and the National Center for Education Statistics. She retired to Rock Hall.
By CSES Staff November 4, 2025
In strong numbers, local residents turned out last month for a community information session on offshore wind hosted by the Alliance for Offshore Wind at the Ocean Pines library. The forum heard from industry experts, environmental advocates, and labor leaders to discuss how offshore wind projects can support jobs, clean energy, and coastal resilience along Maryland’s Eastern Shore. Featured were Sam Saluto of Oceantic, Jim Strong of the United Steelworkers, Ron Larsen of Sea Ink Solutions, and Jim Brown of the Audubon Society, all of whom emphasized the long-term environmental and economic benefits of wind development off Maryland’s coast. Speakers outlined how the project, once completed, is expected to create hundreds of high-paying jobs, generate clean power for tens of thousands of homes, and reduce reliance on fossil fuels that cause pollution and coastal erosion. “The potential here is extraordinary,” said Saluto, highlighting Oceantic’s ongoing work to ensure safety and sustainability standards remain at the highest level. “We’re not just talking about wind turbines. We’re talking about revitalizing local economies and protecting the Shore’s way of life.” Union representative Jim Strong echoed that sentiment, noting that Maryland’s labor community sees offshore wind as a chance to rebuild domestic manufacturing capacity while giving workers access to strong wages and long-term stability. Environmental voices, including Jim Brown of the Audubon Society, focused on how properly sited wind projects can reduce carbon emissions while coexisting with marine wildlife and migratory bird patterns. While most of the evening centered on data and community questions, the event briefly turned tense when Ocean City Mayor Rick Meehan, who is leading a lawsuit challenging Maryland’s offshore wind plans, attempted to question the panel. The mayor appeared to lose his train of thought mid-sentence and later cast doubt on the reality of climate change, drawing visible concern from several attendees. Meehan, a New Yorker who moved to Ocean City in 1971 and has held public office since 1985, has become one of the region’s most vocal opponents of offshore wind. His critics argue the lawsuit represents an effort to stall progress rather than engage with the facts presented by energy, labor, and environmental experts. Despite the brief exchange, the overall tone of the evening was forward-looking. Residents lingered after the formal discussion to review informational materials, speak with industry representatives, and learn about opportunities for community involvement. For many, the message was clear: Maryland’s transition to clean energy is not only feasible, it’s already underway, and the Eastern Shore stands to benefit.
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