Number of Gun Applications Approved in Md. Increases
Jacob Steinberg, Capital News Service, Annapolis Bureau • May 25, 2021
From 2019 to 2020, the number of applications that were approved for Maryland citizens to buy a regulated firearm more than doubled, according to data obtained from a public records request.
In 2019, 47,093 total requests were approved, while that number rose to 95,502 in 2020, a substantial increase.
Because rifles and shotguns aren’t considered regulated firearms in Maryland, these applications apply only to the purchase of a handgun.
To put in an application and affidavit to own or buy a regulated firearm, an individual must apply through the Maryland State Police’s Licensing Portal. However, before applying through the portal, an individual must obtain a handgun qualification license. To do that, they must first go through a fingerprint-based background check as well as complete a four-hour firearms safety course taught by a certified instructor.
Each of Maryland’s 24 subdivisions saw a greater than 50 percent increase when looking at the number of applications granted from 2019 to 2020.
Baltimore County saw the largest number of approved applications in 2020 with 13,048, while Prince George’s and Anne Arundel counties had the second and third largest number granted at 11,991 and 11,406 respectively.
When looking at the percentage change from 2019-2020, Prince George’s County saw the largest change, with a 163.6 percent increase, while Charles County saw the second largest increase at 112.6 percent.
Beyond personal safety, there are several factors that have been cited as contributing to this increase, including the election of President Joe Biden as well as the increased number of protests in the past year surrounding police brutality.
A study conducted by the National Shooting Sports Foundation from January to April 2020 found that retailers cited an increase in first-time gun buyers, estimating that 40 percent of their sales were to this group.
Additionally, the study found, that marked a 67 percent increase compared to years past, while about 24 percent of customers were first-time gun owners.
“The stereotypical demographic you’d expect has changed — age, gender, race — it does not matter,” Jonathan Bennett, owner of United Gun Shop in Rockville, Md., told Capital News Service.
Bennett teaches firearms training and safety courses. In the last 12 to 14 months, he’s seen a 400 percent enrollment increase in these courses, with 75 percent of the class as first-time gun owners.
However, Bennett explained that while some first-time gun owners attributed their purchases to civil unrest, many people are unable to explain why they’re buying a firearm.
This increase in approved applications and first-time gun owners doesn’t come as a surprise to gun control advocacy organizations such as Marylanders to Prevent Gun Violence, but it has brought added concerns.
It’s also brought an added reminder to what they perceive as a false narrative from many gun rights advocates, that guns in the homes make you feel safer, according to Liz Banach, executive director of Marylanders to Prevent Gun Violence.
One of the main concerns with increased gun ownership relates to mental health and the increased stress and anxiety level people are dealing with.
An American Psychological Association poll of 2,076 adults January 21-25 found that the pandemic was a significant source of stress for 80 percent of them.
“We’re looking at a very dangerous situation from a mental health standpoint. We’re also looking at potential spikes in gun violence numbers from domestic violence situations or urban violence situations,” Karen Herren, director of legislative affairs for Marylanders to Prevent Gun Violence, told Capital News Service.
As the country has opened up more in recent weeks with vaccination rates on the rise, mass shootings have also increased, including in Indianapolis, Atlanta, and Boulder, Colorado.
“The concerns run the gamut of all the things that we are trying to get a hold of in this world of guns that we’re living in. We’re really alarmed by those numbers,” Herren said.
Connecting to mental health, one of the main concerns for Marylanders to Prevent Gun Violence with an increase in gun ownership is the potential ramifications it could have on children.
Earlier this legislative session, the organization advocated for a bill called Jaelynn’s Law that would make it more difficult for unsupervised minors to access a firearm, but it didn’t pass.
“When we’re talking about an increase in gun purchases, we’re talking about an increase in access to those horrific possibilities,” Banach told Capital News Service.
“We’re talking about an increase in the likelihood of suicide, an increase in the likelihood of domestic violence escalating to homicide, an increase of a child unintentionally getting a gun,” she added.
Capital News Service is a student-powered news organization run by the University of Maryland Philip Merrill College of Journalism. For 26 years, they have provided deeply reported, award-winning coverage of issues of import to Marylanders.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com

Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.

The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.