Owners of Enslaved Persons on the Eastern Shore Who Served in the Maryland Legislature and the U.S. Congress, Part 1

George Shivers • March 1, 2022

Excerpt from probate inventory of Governor Charles Carnan Ridgely’s property at Northhampton Furnace, 1829. Image: Maryland State Archives

Slavery in Maryland preceded the colony’s founding in 1634. During most of the 1600s, however, plantation labor was largely performed by indentured servants from England.

Fewer than 1,000 enslaved Africans were brought to Maryland before 1697. Between that date and the outbreak of the American Revolution, nearly 100,000 enslaved men, women, and children, mostly from the Caribbean, had disembarked at the colony’s ports of entry. By 1755, about one-third of the colony’s population was from Africa. On the Eastern Shore, colonial ports of entry were Chestertown, Easton, Cambridge, Salisbury, and Princess Anne.

Those who could afford to be enslavers were primarily owners of substantial plantations, with tobacco as the major money crop during the 1600s and early 1700s. Of course, many middle-class town dwellers purchased enslaved persons as house servants. Around 1750, Eastern Shore agriculture had shifted primarily to the production of wheat, which required less labor. In terms of its impact on enslaved people, one result of this shift was that the Shore counties became a place for breeding enslaved persons for sale to the Deep South.

After American independence and formation of the federal government, among those who held people in slavery during the late 1700s and early 1800s were men who served in the Maryland legislature and/or the U.S. Congress.

This article is the first of three. Here I discuss those from the lower Eastern Shore counties (Worcester, Wicomico, and Somerset). Subsequent articles will focus on those from the Mid-Shore counties (Dorchester and Talbot) and the Upper Shore (Queen Anne’s, Kent, and Cecil). Because it produced no representatives to the state or federal legislature during the period of slavery, Caroline is omitted from this report. The names of these politicians are taken from a Washington Post project to identify enslavers.

Lower Shore Politicians Who Held People in Bondage

Twelve men from the lower Eastern Shore held high political office during the period of slavery. They were:

Joseph Stewart Cottman (1803-1863), Somerset
John Woodland Crisfield (1806-1897), Somerset
George Robertson Dennis (1822-1882), Somerset
Littleton Purnell Dennis (1786-1834), Worcester
William Humphries Jackson (1839-1915), Wicomico
Edward Carroll Long (1808-1865), Somerset
John Selby Spence (1788-1840), Worcester
Thomas Ara Spence (1810-1877), Worcester
James Augustus Stewart (1808-1879), Worcester
Ephraim King Wilson (1821-1891), Worcester
George Washington Covington (1808-1911), Worcester
Isaac Dashiell Jones (1806-1893), Somerset

Here is a more detailed look at the careers of four of these men, with details of their ownership of the enslaved.

Grave of Joseph Stewart Cottman at St. Andrew’s Episcopal

Church in Princess Anne, Md. Photo: findagrave.com

Joseph Stewart Cottman

Joseph Stewart Cottman lived on a plantation named “Motherton” along the south bank of Wicomico Creek in what was then Somerset County (now in Wicomico). Just outside the village of Allen (at that time known as Upper Trappe), the road that approaches it is still known as Cottman Road. Cottman was well-educated, having attended Princeton College in 1821 and Yale College in 1822 and 1823. He was admitted to the Maryland bar in 1826 and began his practice as an attorney in Princess Anne, county seat of Somerset County. He served in the Maryland House of Delegates in 1831-1832 and again in 1839. In 1837, he served in the State Senate. He was elected to the 32nd Congress of the U.S. in 1851 and served until 1853. His campaign for the 33rd Congress was unsuccessful.

In 1840, Cottman held 43 persons in bondage. Ten years later, according to the federal census of 1850, there were 36 enslaved males on his plantation, ranging in age from 1 year to 80. There were 23 females, ranging in age from 1 year to 70. He was by far the largest owner of enslaved persons in his district in that year.

John Woodland Crisfield.

Photo: prabook.com

John Woodland Crisfield

John Woodland Crisfield was born in 1808 near Galena in Kent County and graduated from Washington College. He was admitted to the Maryland bar in 1830. In 1836, he entered the Maryland House of Delegates. Elected as a candidate of the Whig Party, Crisfield served from 1847 until 1849 in the 30th Congress from Maryland’s 6th Congressional district. In 1861, he was elected as a Unionist to the 37th Congress from Maryland’s 1st Congressional district and served one term, which ended in 1863.

Although an owner of enslaved persons, he opposed Maryland’s secession and supported the Union during the Civil War. In March of 1862, President Lincoln spoke with Crisfield about emancipation. Crisfield argued that freedom would be worse for those who were enslaved than slavery itself. In July 1862, Lincoln offered to buy out Maryland slaveholders, offering $300 for each person emancipated. Crisfield refused the offer.

He was defeated in 1863 by John Creswell of Cecil County, who supported the emancipation of the enslaved. Crisfield was a delegate to the National Union Convention in Philadelphia in 1866. He was also instrumental in the construction of the Eastern Shore Railroad and served as president. He died in 1897. The town of Crisfield in Somerset County is named in his honor.

John Selby Spence’s grave in the Episcopal Church

Yard in Worcester Co. Photo: findagrave.com

John Selby Spence

John Selby Spence was born near Snow Hill in Worcester County on February 29, 1788. He received a medical degree from the University of Pennsylvania in 1809 and returned to Worcester County to practice medicine. He was an anti-Jacksonian Whig and served five terms in the House of Representatives from Maryland’s District 1 between 1823 and 1836. He was elected to the U.S. Senate to fill the vacancy resulting from the death of Robert H. Goldsborough. He was re-elected in 1837 and served until his death on October 24, 1840, near Berlin.

According to the Federal Census of 1830 he owned 45 enslaved people. In 1840, the year of his death, that number was reduced to 6.

Ephraim King Wilson, Jr.

Drawing: history.house.gov

Ephraim King Wilson, Jr.

Ephraim King Wilson, Jr., was born in Snow Hill in Worcester County in 1821. He attended Union Academy in Snow Hill and Washington Academy in Princess Anne (in neighboring Somerset County) and graduated from Jefferson College in Cannonsburg, Pa. in 1840. He taught school for six years and was admitted to the bar in 1848, when he established a practice in Snow Hill.

In 1847, King served in the Maryland House of Delegates as a Democrat. He retired from his law practice to his farm in 1867 due to poor health. He served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1873 to 1875. From 1878 to 1884, he was a judge in the first judicial circuit of Maryland, and was elected in 1884 to the U.S. Senate, in which he served until his death in 1891.

Census records indicate that his father, who lived from 1771 until 1834, owned 12 enslaved persons in 1820 and 11 in 1830. It is likely that Ephraim Wilson, Jr. inherited these or other enslaved people from his father in 1834 and probably added to that group; however, I have not been able to find a record of the number of persons that he held in bondage.

Sources:

More than 1700 congressmen once enslaved Black people. This is who they were, and how they shaped the nation. Julie Zauzmer Weil, Adrian Blanco, and Leo Dominguez. Washington Post, Jan. 10, 2022.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/interactive/2022/congress-slaveowners-names-list/?itid=ap_juliezauzmerweil

A Guide to the History of Slavery in Maryland, Revised Edition: Annapolis, Md: the Maryland State Archives, 2020.

http://slavery.msa.maryland.gov/pdf/md-slavery-guide-2020.pdf

Wikipedia, Joseph Stewart Cottman

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stewart_Cottman

Shivers, George R., Changing Times: Chronicle of Allen, MD, an Eastern Shore Village. Baltimore: Gateway Press, 1998

Find a Grave, Joseph Stewart Cottman

https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/7856021/joseph-stewart-cottman

Prabook, John Woodland Crisfield.

https://prabook.com/web/john.woodland_crisfield/2239928

Find a Grave, John Selby Spence

https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/26182448/john-selby-spence

History, Art, and Archives. U.S. House of Representatives, Ephraim King Wilson.

https://history.house.gov/People/Listing/W/WILSON,-Ephraim-King-(W000577)/

Wikipedia, Ephraim King Wilson.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ephraim_King_Wilson

A native of Wicomico County, George Shivers holds a doctorate from the University of Maryland and taught in the Foreign Language Dept. of Washington College for 38 years before retiring in 2007. He is also very interested in the history and culture of the Eastern Shore, African American history in particular.

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Megan Outten Launches Campaign for Wicomico County Council, District 7

By Friends of Megan Outten • July 29, 2025

Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com

“Turtles All The Way Down”

By John Christie • July 29, 2025

Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.

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By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co • July 15, 2025

Marylanders will not forget this vote.

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By Jan Plotczyk • July 9, 2025

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Who Will SNAP Cuts Affect in Maryland? On the Eastern Shore?

By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities • May 21, 2025

The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.