Primary Election Wrap-up
Peter Heck & Tom Timberman • August 4, 2020

This year’s presidential contest began with the largest number ever of Democratic presidential candidates — 29, reduced quickly to 25. Seven stayed in the race until early April, when only former Vice President Joe Biden and Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders remained. The latter withdrew shortly before the end of April, at which point Biden became the presumptive Democratic candidate, having won 1,991 delegates, the minimum required to clinch the nomination. As of August 3, Biden had 50.6 percent of the primary vote to 26.9 percent for Sanders and 7.98 percent for Sen. Elizabeth Warren. In the June 2 Maryland primary, Biden received 84 percent to 8 percent for Sanders and 3 percent for Warren. Other candidates were farther behind.
On the Republican side, incumbent President Donald Trump at one point had three primary challengers — none of whom was able to generate significant support. The last of the group, former Massachusetts Gov. William Weld, withdrew on March 18. (Even after dropping out, Weld received 13.08 percent of the primary vote in Maryland.) A few Republican state parties canceled their primaries. As of the end of July, Trump had almost 94 percent of the primary vote nationwide. The last primary is scheduled for August 11 in Connecticut.
With Trump and Biden having locked down their respective parties’ nominations, much of the interest in the remaining primary elections focuses on the down-ballot candidates. There were several intriguing contests in the late June primaries, especially in Kentucky, New York and Virginia – all of which voted on June 23.
One of the most closely-watched races was in Kentucky, where Democrats selected a candidate to oppose Sen. Mitch McConnell, majority leader in the Republican-held U.S. Senate. In an election that turned close in the final days, Amy McGrath squeezed out a win over Charles Booker, 45.4 percent to 42.6 percent. McGrath, a former Marine fighter pilot, was perceived as a sure thing until Booker, a state representative, emerged as a strong proponent of racial justice in the wake of the police killings of George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna Taylor in Louisville. Booker’s campaign was strengthened by endorsements by such national progressive figures as Sen. Bernie Sanders, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. As for the general election in November, McGrath has to be considered an underdog against McConnell.
In New York, several progressive Democrats scored wins against establishment candidates in congressional races. Especially notable was the defeat of Rep. Eliot Engel, a 16-term incumbent and chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, by Jamaal Bowman, a middle-school principal from the Bronx. In another district, Mondaire Jones, a former attorney in Westchester County, won the Democratic race to succeed retiring Rep. Nita Lowrey. If elected, Jones would be the first openly gay Black congressman. And Ocasio-Cortez overcame establishment opposition to win the chance to run for a second term in Congress.
In the Virginia primaries, Cameron Webb, a 37-year-old Black physician, defeated Marine veteran Claire Russo for the Democratic nomination to oppose Republican Bob Good. While the district is perceived as Republican-leaning, Democrats see it as a pickup opportunity, especially if this year’s election generates a “Blue wave.”
One of the few Senate primary surprises occurred in Alabama’s Republican primary, July 14, where former Auburn football coach Tommy Tuberville beat former Senator and Attorney General Jeff Sessions. He will face Sen. Doug Jones, the incumbent Democrat, who was unopposed in the primary.
But on the national level, with both parties’ conventions drastically scaled down in response to the Covid-19 pandemic, the main bit of suspense has to do with Biden’s vice-presidential choice — an announcement expected before Aug. 17, when the Democrats hold their convention virtually.
Peter Heck is a Chestertown-based writer and editor, who spent 10 years at the Kent County News and three more with the Chestertown Spy. He is the author of 10 novels and co-author of four plays, a book reviewer for Asimov’s and Kirkus Reviews, and an incorrigible guitarist.
Tom Timberman is a lawyer, and former Foreign Service officer and economic development team leader/government adviser in war zones. He and his wife have lived in Kent County for 24 years.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com

Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.

The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.