Race and the Eastern Shore

George Shivers • September 19, 2018

Over the years, the story of race relations on the Eastern Shore has often been a troubling one. Slaves in Maryland were not emancipated until 1864, a year after Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. Jim Crow laws that discriminated against African Americans were common here in the late 19th and well into the 20th century. There were several lynchings on the Eastern Shore . Public schools for African Americans did not open in the state until 1872, and schools on the Eastern Shore remained segregated until the late 1960s, more than a decade after the Supreme Court knocked down "separate but equal" with the Brown vs. Board of Education decision in 1954.

On the other hand, three of the greatest African American leaders in the abolitionist movement were born as slaves here on the Eastern Shore: Harriet Tubman (Dorchester County), Frederick Douglass (Talbot County) and Henry Highland Garnet (Kent County). The active presence of substantial Quaker and Methodist communities produced a substantial free Black population on the Shore long before the Civil War. The Civil Rights movement came to the Eastern Shore in the 1960s, with demonstrations, both peaceful and violent, in Cambridge and in Princess Anne.

As we contemplate conditions in 2018 against a nation-wide backdrop of increased racism and police violence against African Americans, there are, nonetheless, signs of progress and of hope here on the Eastern Shore. Chestertown and Kent County provide us with insights into what communities can do to combat racial injustice. Community activist Airlee Ringgold Johnson is one of the prime movers in the struggle to end racism and promote interracial harmony in her hometown. Johnson, an African American, grew up in this racially divided area, where employment opportunities for African Americans were limited. She graduated in 1966, the year before Kent County schools were completely desegregated. After graduation, she left for college and career, only to return in retirement. At that point she expected to come back to a Kent County where most racial tensions had finally been left behind. Yet what she found was a town where the former black business and residential neighborhood had been gentrified, and where there were still few opportunities for young African Americans. What further distressed her was that there was little interaction between African American and white citizens. She went to work to bring about change, and change there has been, although there is still much to do.

An important step forward began over a decade ago with the formation of the Diversity Dialogue Group, which met in Bethel AME, a local black church, to discuss issues of racism and injustice and to work for improvements. Under the leadership of local citizens Armand Fletcher and Jeanette Sherbondy, a historical tour map of African American sites in the town was created. In the years since, the map has been updated and expanded at least twice and has been continuously available at the Historical Society, Kent County’s Visitors’ Center, and other local venues.

Around 2013, the Historical Society of Kent County formed a Community History committee, chaired by Johnson, then a member of the board. Johnson and the committee wanted to bring the long-hidden richness of local African American history and culture in Kent County out of the shadows. From that committee came the first Legacy Day—a day-long community event with a parade, street party, exhibits, music, and workshops all focusing on the history and culture of the African Americans of Kent County. The first Legacy Day was held in the summer of 2014, attended by over 1500 people, both black and white. When racial violence was exploding on the streets of Ferguson, Mo., blacks and whites were dancing together on High Street in Chestertown. In 2018, the festival marked its fifth year. It continues to be led by Johnson.

Another major sign of progress in Kent was the formation of the Social Action Committee for Racial Justice, circa 2016. The Committee meets each month and focuses on bringing attention to white privilege and its effects, and to bring more opportunities for minorities in the school system and to provide graduates with greater opportunities for employment. One result of their action has been the re-establishment of the Multi-Cultural Committee by the School Superintendent to deal with racism in the schools.

Another important catalyst for bringing the black and white communities together has been the restoration of Sumner Hall, Post 25 of the Grand Army of the Republic, built in 1908 by and for African American veterans of the Civil War. Long a center of black cultural life, by the early 2000s the building had fallen into near ruin. Rebuilt and rededicated, Sumner Hall is once again a vibrant cultural center frequented by both black and white residents.

There is still much room for improvement but—working together—black and white residents have made significant steps toward mutual respect and understanding in Kent County.

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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