Ranked Choice Voting: How It Works

Peter Heck • January 3, 2023


Ranked choice voting — or, as it is sometimes called, an “instant runoff” system — is a way of selecting a clear winner out of a large field of candidates.

 

In a multi-candidate race, with perhaps five or more names on the ballot, the leader’s total could be in the 30% range or even lower. It’s hard to claim you’re “the people’s choice” if more than two-thirds of them voted for somebody else.

 

Here’s how ranked choice voting works: Voters rank candidates in their order of preference. If there are five candidates, instead of choosing just one, voters mark their ballots to show their choices in numerical order, as in the following sample. In the dog catcher race, this voter prefers Jones as their first choice, Willis as their second choice, and so on.



After all ballots are cast, the first-place votes are tallied, and if any candidate has more than 50% of the total, the counting ends and that candidate is the winner. Easy enough, right?

 

But what happens if nobody clears that 50% mark? In a ranked choice election, the candidate with the fewest first-place votes is eliminated. That eliminated candidate’s voters’ second-choice votes are then distributed among the remaining candidates and added to their first-round totals. If there is still nobody with more than 50% the process is repeated, with third- and lower-place choices added in as more candidates are eliminated, until one candidate has more than half the total votes.

 

Ranked choice voting has been adopted by several jurisdictions across the United States, including for federal elections in Alaska and Maine. Hawaii has passed legislation to allow ranked choice voting in federal special elections and some local elections. In other states, ranked choice has been adopted by municipalities, including New York City; San Francisco; Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota; Santa Fe, New Mexico; and Takoma Park here in Maryland. In several other states, including Virginia, the option has been approved for local elections, but hasn’t been put into practice as of this writing.

 

One advantage of a ranked choice system is that a voter can in good conscience pick a Green, Libertarian, or other minor-party candidate without worrying that they’re throwing away their vote. Ranked choice means those voters no longer have to “hold their noses” and vote for a candidate who isn’t their first choice, but whom they prefer to the other major-party choice. For example, in the presidential election of 2000, if third-party candidate Ralph Nader’s voters had listed their second choices, there’s a good chance Al Gore would have been elected instead of George W. Bush. That’s just one case where a third-party candidate got more votes than the margin between the two major party candidates. Ranked choice might have changed the results of many of those elections.

 

In fact, the system may give some of those third-party candidates a viable chance at winning an election. And it does give their voters more of a say in the ultimate outcome of a contest than the current “first past the post” system, where (unless there’s some provision for a runoff) the only votes that matter are those cast for the top vote-getter — even if that is only 25% of the total vote.

 

Ties are still possible — the Hugo Awards, given by members of the annual World Science Fiction Convention, have used ranked choice voting since 1968, and there have been several ties in that time. But an expensive runoff election, as we just saw in the Georgia Senate race, is not as likely to be necessary. (In the Hugos, ties simply mean there are two trophies awarded in those categories.) But in national or state elections — even in most large municipalities — there are usually enough votes cast that exact ties are unlikely.

 

Probably the most common argument against ranked choice voting is that some voters find it confusing. Those voters are of course free to vote for only one candidate, as in the current system to which they’re accustomed. While that deprives them of a say if their first choice is eliminated, it really isn’t all that different than a voter deciding not to vote, or voting for a write-in, in a race where none of the candidates appeal to them. Some opponents also argue that the practice is undemocratic, especially if a candidate who was second or third in the first round is the ultimate winner — although the system is designed to ensure that the winner has the widest support among all the choices on the ballot. In the long run, it seems a good bet that voters will come to understand the ranked-choice system and how to use it effectively.

 

The long-term future of ranked choice voting is hard to predict. At present, three states, plus dozens of local jurisdictions in 12 other states, have adopted ranked choice, although not all of them have put it into practice. Other areas are skeptical or strongly oppose it. Florida passed a law in April of 2022 to bar ranked choice in all elections, including local ones. Other states have not yet acted either to adopt or prohibit the system.

 

It will probably require more experience with the system around the country to determine the future of ranked choice. But it would certainly appear — at least on the primary election level — to give voters a fuller opportunity to consider candidates outside the two-party system, and to avoid the “lesser of two evils” trap we see too often under the current system.

       

 

Peter Heck is a Chestertown-based writer and editor, who spent 10 years at the Kent County News and three more with the Chestertown Spy. He is the author of 10 novels and co-author of four plays, a book reviewer for Asimov’s and Kirkus Reviews, and an incorrigible guitarist.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
Show More