Reducing the EPA’s Authority Over Wetlands

John Christie • August 1, 2023


A recent Supreme Court decision — largely unnoticed — was the most important water-related in a generation, with enormous implications for the health of the nation’s waterways, including the Chesapeake Bay. The case is Sackett v EPA, in which a closely-split Court significantly reduced the Environmental Protection Agency’s authority over wetlands under the Clean Water Act. This case was the first to be argued when the 2022 term began last October, and the Court’s decision was released on May 25, 2023.

 

The facts behind the Sackett case are relatively simple. In 2004, Michael and Chantell Sackett purchased property near Priest Lake in northern Idaho. Preparing to build a home, they began backfilling their property with dirt and rocks. The EPA informed the Sacketts that their backfilling violated the CWA because their property contained protected wetlands and demanded that the Sacketts immediately undertake restoration actions.

 

The Sacketts sued in 2008, and the case wound its way through federal courts for the next 14 years. The EPA’s authority to act was ultimately upheld by the lower federal courts on the grounds that even though there was some dry land between the two, there was a “significant nexus” between the Sackett property wetland and Priest Lake. The “significant nexus” test goes back to a 2006 Supreme Court opinion by Justice Anthony Kennedy recognizing that the connection between wetlands and other bodies of water didn’t necessarily have to be visible.

 

The CWA is the principal federal law regulating water pollution in the United States. It prohibits the discharge of pollutants into “navigable waters,” which it defines as “the waters of the United States” such as a river or lake. All the present justices on the Court agreed that the statutory term “waters of the United States” includes some wetlands, namely those wetlands “adjacent” to waters of the United States. The question instead became the meaning of “adjacent” under the CWA.

 

Writing for the Court’s majority, Justice Samuel Alito concluded that “adjacent” wetlands for purpose of CWA regulation are only those which are as a practical matter “indistinguishable” from waters of the United States. In his opinion, only wetlands which have a “continuous surface connection” to bodies that are “waters of the United States” meet this test. Otherwise, property owners are left to feel their way on a “case-by-case basis.”

 

Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, Brett Kavanaugh, and Ketanji Brown Jackson in two separate opinions sharply dissented from the majority’s “continuous surface connection” test as inconsistent with the commonly understood meaning of “adjacent.” “Adjacent” means lying near or close to, or not widely separated, but is notably explicit that the two things need not touch each other. Because Congress amended the Clean Water Act in 1977 to expressly cover “wetlands adjacent” to waters of the United States, across all eight presidential administrations, regulators have always included in the definition of “adjacent wetlands” not only wetlands adjoining covered waters but also those wetlands separated from covered waters by a manmade dike or barrier, natural river berm, beach dune, or the like.

 

In a separate opinion, Justice Kagan asserted that the majority’s new test significantly narrows the scope of the statute Congress drafted. Vital to the Clean Water Act’s fundamental purpose is the protection of wetlands, both those contiguous to covered waters and others nearby. Wetlands filter and purify water draining into adjacent bodies of water and slow the flow of surface runoff into lakes, rivers, and streams. In Justice Kagan’s words, the majority’s “pop-up” test is explicable only as a “reflexive response” to Congress’s enactment of an ambitious scheme of environmental regulation. It is an effort to substitute the majority’s preferred policy for the anti-pollution actions Congress thought appropriate.

 

Environmental experts contend that this opinion will deprive the EPA of jurisdiction over approximately one half of the nation’s wetlands, a particular setback for those especially interested in the restoration of water quality and flood control around the Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries. Compounding this unfortunate result, the case need not have been accepted for review by the Supreme Court. The EPA had earlier withdrawn its complaint against the Sackett property, there was no conflict in the relevant application of the CWA among lower federal courts, and the Biden administration was in the process of revising the EPA’s wetland guidelines.

 

 

John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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