Remembering Garfield King
George Shivers • October 12, 2021
Among those memorialized by the marker placed this year at the Wicomico County Court House was a young man by the name of Garfield King. He was born in 1880 in the village of Allen, 7 miles south of Salisbury, where I was born some 63 years later. I knew members of the King family growing up there.
At 18 years old, a mob dragged Garfield King from his cell in Salisbury, hanged him from a tree on the courthouse lawn, and mutilated his body. Since the 1890 Census was lost and he died before the 1900 Census, I was never able to determine anything about his parents or siblings. King’s name and his family never appeared in any federal census. He must have been born after the census taker visited his home in 1880, or more likely no census taker visited that home. It is clear that he was given the name Garfield to honor President James Garfield, who had fought for the United States in the Civil War and advocated emancipation. The president was assassinated a year after Garfield King’s birth.
When he was murdered, King was a recent graduate of the Princess Anne Colored Academy (now University of Maryland Eastern Shore). Funded by the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1886 for the education of African Americans, it was primarily a secondary school that offered industrial, agricultural, and practical Arts courses.
The first time I encountered the lynching came in letters given to the Allen Historical Society by Bettie Sue Payne Malone. The letters were written by Ruth Jones, who had grown up in Allen and was planning to write a history. She sent letters to several older community members asking about several events, among which was the Garfield King lynching. Her book project never panned out, but we are fortunate to have acquired the responses to her requests.
Percy Allen replied, “In looking over your list of topics, I would very definitely suggest that no mention be made of the Garfield King lynching. It was too horrible, and none of those involved were residents of Allen. Am sure you will have enough pleasant things to write about.” Another response came from Robert Huey, a resident of Chestertown at that time, who wrote the following in his 1951 letter: “Reference has been made to the lynching of Garfield King. While I read of this incident quite a number of years ago, I did not then, nor do I now, know of the details. I recall, however, going out to the little farm owned by Uncle Price (author’s note: He is referring to Levin B. “Squire” Price, local teacher, who resided across the street from the church), and following in the furrow as Garfield plowed around the field. Garfield was always good to me, and never did I see him act unkindly.” A reporter echoed his sentiments: “The lynched man was an educated Negro who graduated at the Colored Academy at Princess Anne, and has always been well thought of by his neighbors.”
The crime of which King was accused occurred on Saturday night, May 21, 1898, at a country store at Twigg’s Corner in Allen. In the springtime, local farmers were harvesting strawberries and planting their summer crops. One of those farmers, Gamaliel Banks, hired a young man from White Haven to work for him. Herman Kenney, who was 22 years old and White, was there with a group of his friends, as was Garfield King and some of his friends. An argument begun between the two groups in the store continued once they were outside. Newspaper reports indicated that King pulled a gun and shot Kenney in the abdomen at close range. Kenney died in the hospital on Tuesday evening, May 24. King argued that he had acted in self-defense, because Kenney had struck him. A number of questions arise:
- Given his character, why was Garfield King carrying a weapon?
- Why would he feel compelled to such a violent act if he did not feel threatened?
- Was there a prior history of tension between the two?
- Were the witnesses questioned by authorities, and if not, why not? Both men were with a group of friends, plus the store owner was present.
Ample evidence from newspaper reports shows that tensions were rising among local Whites. And there is no lack of evidence of White racism. This was, after all, the Jim Crow era.
Men from the surrounding countryside began to gather in Salisbury on Wednesday evening, and by 11:30, according to the Salisbury Advertiser, a mob had gathered at the courthouse and jail. Street lights near the jail had been eliminated, and it was cloudy with a light rain falling. The mob’s leader demanded that the sheriff give him the jail keys. The sheriff refused, but someone brought over a nearby telephone pole which was used to break through the jail door.
The men opened the cell using an axe to break the lock and dragged the terrified King out of the cell, down the stairs, and into the jail yard, simultaneously kicking and beating him. He was then hanged from a tree outside the courthouse. A few White citizens tried to quiet the mob and prevent the lynching, according to the newspaper. One, Mr. E. Stanley Toadvine, pleaded with the mob to return the prisoner to the custody of the sheriff.
After the lynching, when the mob had dispersed, Judge Holland arrived, having been awakened by the shooting and the shouts. He had King’s remains taken down and placed in the nearby engine house of the local fire department. His body was later interred in an unidentified Salisbury cemetery, possibly what was known as Potter’s Field near the railroad track. No mention was made of Garfield King’s family in the newspaper reports.
Contemporary reports indicated that some in the White community and, of course, virtually all in the Black community were outraged by the act of vigilantism and mob violence that deprived Garfield King of life and justice. The reporter for the Salisbury Advertiser condemned the act in no uncertain terms, writing:
“How can a citizen who has sworn his allegiance to the government to support the constitution, deliberately join in a procession to do violence to the law and to his own oath? Such an act means that we have no confidence in our civil government. Is there a lack of confidence in our government? If so, the proper method for the officers of the law to pursue to establish confidence is to prove this matter and seek out the offenders.”
Judge Holland also expressed his outrage during an interview with a reporter, though it must be noted that his concern stems not only from the crime against civil law but also from its impact on the reputation of the community: “It was a shocking, and to me, very unexpected crime. It is a burning shame that the fair fame of this community should be darkened and disgraced.”
On Tuesday evening of the week following the lynching of Garfield King, leaders of the Black community in Salisbury called a meeting at John Wesley Methodist Episcopal Church, condemned the lynching, and called for justice.
In her book On the Courthouse Lawn, Sherrilyn Ifill points out “there are many reasons for Whites to remain silent: fear of consequences, guilt, denial, or insistence that it was all in the past and no longer significant.” She goes on to say that Blacks, too, may resist talking about incidents of racial violence: “They may fear that such a conversation will be racially polarizing, undermining progress painstakingly made over decades….” She insists, however, that that conversation must occur.
Theologian James H. Cone presents a similar thesis in his lecture, "The Cross and the Lynching Tree," delivered at Harvard Divinity School on October 19, 2006. It ended with these words: “If America has the courage to confront the great sin and ongoing legacy of White supremacy, with repentance and reparation, there is hope beyond the tragedy — hope for Whites, Blacks, and all humankind — hope beyond the lynching tree.”
We can be grateful that the State of Maryland and Kent County, Wicomico County, and other Maryland locations are finally seeking to make amends for past injustices.
Sources:
Salisbury Advertiser, Vol. 31, No. 40 (Saturday, May 28, 1898)
Cone, James H., “The Cross and the Lynching Tree.” Posted on Trinity News, Oct. 12, 2007. http://www.trinitywallstreet.org/welcome/?article&id=917
Ifill, Sherrilyn A., On the Courthouse Lawn: Confronting the Legacy of Lynching in the Twenty-first Century. Boston: Beacon Press, 2007.
A native of Wicomico County, George Shivers holds a doctorate from the University of Maryland and taught in the Foreign Language Dept. of Washington College for 38 years before retiring in 2007. He is also very interested in the history and culture of the Eastern Shore, African American history in particular.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore
Easton pastor Daniel Omar Fuentes Espinal, who was detained by federal immigration officials earlier this summer and later released, now has a court date set before a federal immigration judge, according to newly filed records. Fuentes Espinal, 54, has led Iglesia del Nazareno Jesus Te Ama since 2015 and is widely regarded by neighbors and local officials as a respected community leader. In July, he was arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which alleged he overstayed his visa by 25 years after arriving from Honduras. The arrest drew swift reaction from across Maryland. Lawmakers and community members questioned why Fuentes Espinal was detained, noting he had no criminal record. Rep. Glenn Ivey and Sen. Sarah Elfreth reported at the time that his family had not seen him since the arrest, had only limited contact, and feared he would be deported. After weeks of uncertainty, Fuentes Espinal was released on August 15 and reunited with his family. “My family and I are very thankful for all of you,” he said. “I’m very happy to be home with my family and my community. I want to say thank you, thank you, thank you, and God bless everyone.” Friends of the family say he is now working toward legal citizenship, but his case remains unresolved. Federal court records show his first hearing is scheduled for March 31, 2026, in Baltimore. The proceeding, known as a master calendar hearing, marks the initial stage in removal cases. Immigration judges use the session to explain rights and responsibilities to those appearing before the court. According to ICE, if Fuentes Espinal fails to appear, he could be ordered to leave the country. For now, the pastor continues his ministry in Easton, awaiting what is likely to be a lengthy legal process.
On Sept. 11, a group of ultraright House Republicans delivered a letter to House leadership demanding the formation of a select committee on “the money, influence, and power behind the radical left’s assault on America and the rule of law.” Twenty-three reactionary members of Congress signed the letter, including some of the most extreme right-wingers in the House of Representatives. Among the signers is our own First District congressman, Andrew P. Harris, who’s added his voice to the cacophony demanding that something be done about the so-called left-wing threat to America. The letter was composed quickly after last week’s sniper murder of Charlie Kirk, a right-wing podcaster and campus provocateur. It presents a rationalization for investigating the finances of left-wing organizations and persons by blaming them not only for Kirk’s violent death, but for all manner of other problems ills in the country today: Many attacks on “our way of life” Sustained breakdown of law and order Open borders that allow “illegal aliens” to victimize law-abiding Americans Murders of innocent Americans, prominent and unknown alike Assassination attempts of GOP politicians The solution proposed in the letter is to “follow the money” by investigating such persons and groups as George Soros, the Wren Collective, the Southern Poverty Law Center, the U.N., and radicals and organizations suspected of financing the concerted effort to destroy MAGA America. They want to trace the money that, they claim without evidence, funds “the NGOs, donors, media, public officials, and all entities driving this coordinated attack.” But moderate observers and commentators see a broader aim — the end of free speech when the speaker disagrees with the views of the current ruling party. As expressed by Democracy Docket , a digital news platform, “The Trump administration’s rhetoric around Kirk’s murder and its attempt to link it to progressive causes and groups has raised fears it seeks to use the killing as false justification to further crack down on political speech and opposition politics in the U.S.” Harris and the other letter signers have joined a loud and strident chorus of alt-right voices demanding “justice” by dismantling the liberal and left organizations that they claim are fomenting violence. Also on Sept. 11, President Trump told reporters , "We have radical left lunatics out there and we just have to beat the hell out of them." On Sept. 15, Vice President Vance called for the mass doxing of anyone celebrating Kirk’s murder. “Call them out. Hell, call their employer.” A growing number of companies are terminating and suspending employees for posting messages critical of Charlie Kirk on social media. Stephen Miller , Trump’s deputy chief of staff for policy, referred to the Democratic Party as “a vast domestic terror movement” responsible for Kirk’s murder. He said the administration would target those who are “paying for violence.” “With God as my witness, we are going to use every resource we have at the Department of Justice, Homeland Security, and throughout this government to identify, disrupt, dismantle, and destroy these networks and make America safe again for the American people,” Miller vowed in the Oval Office. “I don’t care how — it could be a RICO charge, a conspiracy charge, conspiracy against the United States, insurrection — but we are going to do what it takes to dismantle the organizations and the entities,” he added. The average American realizes that this sort of language is dangerous. A Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted after Kirk’s murder found that most Americans are worried about political violence and partisan divisions: 63% said the way Americans talk about political issues does "a lot" to encourage violence. 79% said people are less tolerant of opposing viewpoints than they were 20 years ago. 66% said they were concerned over the prospect of violence committed against people in their community because of their political beliefs. 71% said that “American society is broken.” Read the right-wingers’ letter and judge it for yourself:
Following a jury trial in Somerset County Circuit Court, Princess Anne Town Commissioner Lionel Frederick was convicted on Sept. 10 of unlawful possession of a firearm and ammunition. A former Town Commission president, Frederick was indicted last April in connection with an October 2024 incident in which investigators alleged he had a shotgun in his home. Because of a 2019 conviction for second-degree assault, considered a crime of violence, Frederick was banned from owning or possessing firearms under Maryland law. During Wednesday’s trial, Frederick — as the sole defense witness — testified he did not realize his earlier conviction barred him from keeping the shotgun. He said the weapon had been purchased legally more than 10 years ago and that he had never been told to surrender it. Prosecutors countered that the restriction was clear. The county State’s Attorney’s office produced a probation order from 2019 that prohibited Frederick from having a gun without court authorization. Frederick questioned the authenticity of his signature on the document, going so far as to suggest, “It’s Somerset County. I wouldn’t put it past this court.” After the three-hour trial, jurors deliberated for 30 minutes before finding Frederick guilty on both counts, one a felony for illegal firearm possession and the other a misdemeanor for possessing ammunition unlawfully. Frederick’s sentencing is scheduled for Oct. 2 before Judge Leah Seaton.
Salisbury Mayor Randy Taylor’s administration has suffered another setback in court after the city failed in its attempt to block developer Mentis from privatizing the downtown parking lot known as Lot 10. In February 2023, the city sold Lot 10 to Mentis with the understanding that the property would remain a municipal lot until the developer was ready to begin construction of its hotel and conference center. This summer, Mentis announced its intent to convert Lot 10 to a private lot and to collect its own parking revenue. Taylor’s administration responded on Aug. 19 by filing for a temporary restraining order and injunction, claiming Mentis had breached its agreement by attempting to take control of the lot without obtaining the necessary permits. The city argued that public access should remain until redevelopment officially began. On Sept. 12, Wicomico Co. Circuit Court Judge Leah Seaton rejected the city’s request, ruling that Salisbury had failed to prove “irreparable harm,” a necessary condition for an injunction. The ruling means that Mentis is now free to collect parking fees from Lot 10, while taxpayers are left footing the bill for a failed legal maneuver. Critics say Taylor misplayed the case Residents and downtown stakeholders have accused the Taylor administration of mishandling the dispute and wasting public money. Rather than negotiating directly with Mentis or resolving the funding agreement for the redevelopment project, the mayor opted for an aggressive legal strategy, which ended in defeat. “This administration keeps charging ahead with lawsuits it cannot win,” one downtown business owner said. “Meanwhile, the city burns through taxpayer dollars, and we’re no closer to seeing real progress on the hotel and conference center.” Developer signals willingness to proceed Mentis officials, for their part, said the project can move forward if the city finalizes the sub-recipient agreement needed to release grant funding. “If we can get the city to move forward with the sub-recipient agreement, and that opens up the grant funding flowing to the project, we will continue to move forward with the hotel and conference center,” said Mentis’ Nick Simpson. Taylor points fingers Pushing back, the mayor argued that the developer needs to secure financing, site plans, and construction approvals before the project can advance — materials that have already been provided to the city. But to many observers, the back-and-forth underscores a larger problem: a stalled project that continues to pit City Hall against its private partners, with little to show for years of promises. A hearing on the remaining disputes is scheduled for December, but critics say the damage has been done. The court ruling leaves Mentis in control of Lot 10’s parking revenue and the city with another legal bill, raising questions about whether Salisbury’s mayor is fighting the right battles and how many more tax increases city residents will endure to pay for these legal battles.
Tenants of a dangerous, code-violating, bat-, rat-, roach-, and mold-infested apartment complex in Prince George’s County will collect an $11.2 million settlement against the owners and operators of the complex. Maryland Attorney General Anthony G. Brown announced the landmark settlement with Heather Hill Apartments after allegations that the property collected rent without a valid license, dodged code inspections, and tried to evict hundreds of tenants. The settlement is the largest restitution ever obtained by the AG’s Consumer Protection Division in a landlord-tenant case. It will provide debt forgiveness, credits, and cash payments to tenants who paid rent while Heather Hill was unlicensed and requires the company to dismiss pending eviction cases tied to that period. “This settlement provides relief for hundreds of Maryland families who were forced to pay rent while some lived in unsafe conditions,” Brown said. “My office will always hold landlords accountable when they put profits over people’s safety.” The company faces three more lawsuits. Broader implications across Maryland While the Heather Hill case is centered in Prince George’s County, housing advocates note that the issues it raises — unlicensed properties, unsafe living conditions, and tenants struggling without recourse — are not confined to one region. On the Eastern Shore, where affordable housing is limited and oversight often inconsistent, tenant advocates have warned of similar problems. Aging multi-family housing in Salisbury, Cambridge, and Crisfield has drawn complaints about weak code enforcement and unsafe conditions. The Heather Hill settlement underscores that the state will step in when landlords fail to comply with licensing laws. For Shore renters, the precedent could mean stronger accountability in local housing markets, which have long marked shortages and rising costs. Connection to statewide reforms The action also comes just days after Gov. Wes Moore signed his Housing Starts Here executive order to accelerate the construction of affordable homes statewide. Together, the order and the Heather Hill settlement reflect a two-pronged strategy: building more housing while holding existing landlords accountable. For Shore communities, where new housing and stronger enforcement are badly needed, the Heather Hill case signals that state officials are paying closer attention to the conditions renters face, not only in the urban core, but across the state.
The Maryland Board of Public Works has approved $13 million in grants from the Department of Natural Resources for local governments and land trusts to support community centers, parks, and land conservation projects in 16 counties, including several on the Eastern Shore. In addition to local recreation projects, the board approved $3.2 million in Rural Legacy funding for conservation easements that permanently limit development to protect farms, waterways, and natural habitats. Among the Eastern Shore investments: Talbot County will receive funding for a new softball field at the Home Run Baker Sports Complex. Caroline County is approved to install new playground equipment at Jesse Sutton Memorial Park in Greensboro. Worcester County will receive funds to build new restrooms at Sturgis Park in Snow Hill. The Eastern Shore Land Conservancy will get an award to protect two adjoining properties in Caroline County, covering 220 acres, and safeguarding 7,400 feet of forested stream buffers along tributaries of the Choptank River and preserving scenic views near Preston. In Dorchester County’s Harriet Tubman Rural Legacy Area, the Conservation Fund will secure an easement on a 121-acre farm, preserving historic landscapes along public roads tied to Tubman’s story and protecting valuable agricultural land. “These projects are about building stronger, healthier communities,” Gov. Wes Moore said during the meeting, underscoring the administration’s focus on expanding recreational opportunities and conserving Maryland’s natural resources. The DNR noted that similar projects were approved in counties across Maryland, ranging from new playgrounds and sports facilities to strategic farmland preservation. Officials emphasized that the funding supports immediate community needs and long-term environmental protections. “These grants reflect our dual mission, creating vibrant spaces for Marylanders today while ensuring our land and water resources are protected for generations to come,” DNR Secretary Josh Kurtz said. As a community organizer, journalist, administrator, project planner/manager, and consultant, Gren Whitman has led neighborhood, umbrella, public interest, and political committees and groups, and worked for civil rights and anti-war organizations.
