Remembering Garfield King
George Shivers • October 12, 2021
Among those memorialized by the marker placed this year at the Wicomico County Court House was a young man by the name of Garfield King. He was born in 1880 in the village of Allen, 7 miles south of Salisbury, where I was born some 63 years later. I knew members of the King family growing up there.
At 18 years old, a mob dragged Garfield King from his cell in Salisbury, hanged him from a tree on the courthouse lawn, and mutilated his body. Since the 1890 Census was lost and he died before the 1900 Census, I was never able to determine anything about his parents or siblings. King’s name and his family never appeared in any federal census. He must have been born after the census taker visited his home in 1880, or more likely no census taker visited that home. It is clear that he was given the name Garfield to honor President James Garfield, who had fought for the United States in the Civil War and advocated emancipation. The president was assassinated a year after Garfield King’s birth.
When he was murdered, King was a recent graduate of the Princess Anne Colored Academy (now University of Maryland Eastern Shore). Funded by the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1886 for the education of African Americans, it was primarily a secondary school that offered industrial, agricultural, and practical Arts courses.
The first time I encountered the lynching came in letters given to the Allen Historical Society by Bettie Sue Payne Malone. The letters were written by Ruth Jones, who had grown up in Allen and was planning to write a history. She sent letters to several older community members asking about several events, among which was the Garfield King lynching. Her book project never panned out, but we are fortunate to have acquired the responses to her requests.
Percy Allen replied, “In looking over your list of topics, I would very definitely suggest that no mention be made of the Garfield King lynching. It was too horrible, and none of those involved were residents of Allen. Am sure you will have enough pleasant things to write about.” Another response came from Robert Huey, a resident of Chestertown at that time, who wrote the following in his 1951 letter: “Reference has been made to the lynching of Garfield King. While I read of this incident quite a number of years ago, I did not then, nor do I now, know of the details. I recall, however, going out to the little farm owned by Uncle Price (author’s note: He is referring to Levin B. “Squire” Price, local teacher, who resided across the street from the church), and following in the furrow as Garfield plowed around the field. Garfield was always good to me, and never did I see him act unkindly.” A reporter echoed his sentiments: “The lynched man was an educated Negro who graduated at the Colored Academy at Princess Anne, and has always been well thought of by his neighbors.”
The crime of which King was accused occurred on Saturday night, May 21, 1898, at a country store at Twigg’s Corner in Allen. In the springtime, local farmers were harvesting strawberries and planting their summer crops. One of those farmers, Gamaliel Banks, hired a young man from White Haven to work for him. Herman Kenney, who was 22 years old and White, was there with a group of his friends, as was Garfield King and some of his friends. An argument begun between the two groups in the store continued once they were outside. Newspaper reports indicated that King pulled a gun and shot Kenney in the abdomen at close range. Kenney died in the hospital on Tuesday evening, May 24. King argued that he had acted in self-defense, because Kenney had struck him. A number of questions arise:
- Given his character, why was Garfield King carrying a weapon?
- Why would he feel compelled to such a violent act if he did not feel threatened?
- Was there a prior history of tension between the two?
- Were the witnesses questioned by authorities, and if not, why not? Both men were with a group of friends, plus the store owner was present.
Ample evidence from newspaper reports shows that tensions were rising among local Whites. And there is no lack of evidence of White racism. This was, after all, the Jim Crow era.
Men from the surrounding countryside began to gather in Salisbury on Wednesday evening, and by 11:30, according to the Salisbury Advertiser, a mob had gathered at the courthouse and jail. Street lights near the jail had been eliminated, and it was cloudy with a light rain falling. The mob’s leader demanded that the sheriff give him the jail keys. The sheriff refused, but someone brought over a nearby telephone pole which was used to break through the jail door.
The men opened the cell using an axe to break the lock and dragged the terrified King out of the cell, down the stairs, and into the jail yard, simultaneously kicking and beating him. He was then hanged from a tree outside the courthouse. A few White citizens tried to quiet the mob and prevent the lynching, according to the newspaper. One, Mr. E. Stanley Toadvine, pleaded with the mob to return the prisoner to the custody of the sheriff.
After the lynching, when the mob had dispersed, Judge Holland arrived, having been awakened by the shooting and the shouts. He had King’s remains taken down and placed in the nearby engine house of the local fire department. His body was later interred in an unidentified Salisbury cemetery, possibly what was known as Potter’s Field near the railroad track. No mention was made of Garfield King’s family in the newspaper reports.
Contemporary reports indicated that some in the White community and, of course, virtually all in the Black community were outraged by the act of vigilantism and mob violence that deprived Garfield King of life and justice. The reporter for the Salisbury Advertiser condemned the act in no uncertain terms, writing:
“How can a citizen who has sworn his allegiance to the government to support the constitution, deliberately join in a procession to do violence to the law and to his own oath? Such an act means that we have no confidence in our civil government. Is there a lack of confidence in our government? If so, the proper method for the officers of the law to pursue to establish confidence is to prove this matter and seek out the offenders.”
Judge Holland also expressed his outrage during an interview with a reporter, though it must be noted that his concern stems not only from the crime against civil law but also from its impact on the reputation of the community: “It was a shocking, and to me, very unexpected crime. It is a burning shame that the fair fame of this community should be darkened and disgraced.”
On Tuesday evening of the week following the lynching of Garfield King, leaders of the Black community in Salisbury called a meeting at John Wesley Methodist Episcopal Church, condemned the lynching, and called for justice.
In her book On the Courthouse Lawn, Sherrilyn Ifill points out “there are many reasons for Whites to remain silent: fear of consequences, guilt, denial, or insistence that it was all in the past and no longer significant.” She goes on to say that Blacks, too, may resist talking about incidents of racial violence: “They may fear that such a conversation will be racially polarizing, undermining progress painstakingly made over decades….” She insists, however, that that conversation must occur.
Theologian James H. Cone presents a similar thesis in his lecture, "The Cross and the Lynching Tree," delivered at Harvard Divinity School on October 19, 2006. It ended with these words: “If America has the courage to confront the great sin and ongoing legacy of White supremacy, with repentance and reparation, there is hope beyond the tragedy — hope for Whites, Blacks, and all humankind — hope beyond the lynching tree.”
We can be grateful that the State of Maryland and Kent County, Wicomico County, and other Maryland locations are finally seeking to make amends for past injustices.
Sources:
Salisbury Advertiser, Vol. 31, No. 40 (Saturday, May 28, 1898)
Cone, James H., “The Cross and the Lynching Tree.” Posted on Trinity News, Oct. 12, 2007. http://www.trinitywallstreet.org/welcome/?article&id=917
Ifill, Sherrilyn A., On the Courthouse Lawn: Confronting the Legacy of Lynching in the Twenty-first Century. Boston: Beacon Press, 2007.
A native of Wicomico County, George Shivers holds a doctorate from the University of Maryland and taught in the Foreign Language Dept. of Washington College for 38 years before retiring in 2007. He is also very interested in the history and culture of the Eastern Shore, African American history in particular.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
Apparently, some people think that the GOP’s “big beautiful bill” is a foregone conclusion, and that the struggle over the budget and Trump’s agenda is over and done. Not true. On Sunday night, the bill — given the alternate name “Big Bad Bullsh*t Bill” by the Democratic Women’s Caucus — was voted out of the House Budget Committee. The GOP plan is to pass this legislation in the House before Memorial Day. But that’s not the end of it. As Jessica Craven explained in her Chop Wood Carry Water column: “Remember, we have at least six weeks left in this process. The bill has to: Pass the House, Then head to the Senate where it will likely be rewritten almost completely, Then be passed there, Then be brought back to the House for reconciliation, And then, if the House changes that version at all, Go back to the Senate for another vote.” She adds, “Every step of that process is a place for us to kill it.” The bill is over a thousand pages long, and the American people will not get a chance to read it until it has passed the House. But, thanks to 5Calls , we know it includes:
Let's talk about our Eastern Shore Delegation, the representatives who are supposed to fight for our nine Shore counties in Annapolis, and what they actually got up to this session.
For the first time in recent memory, Virginia Democrats have candidates running in all 100 House of Delegates districts — a milestone party leaders and grassroots organizers say reflects rising momentum as President Donald Trump’s second term continues to galvanize opposition.
The 447th legislative session of the Maryland General Assembly adjourned on April 8. This End of Session Report highlights the work Shore Progress has done to fight for working families and bring real results home to the Shore. Over the 90-day session, lawmakers debated 1,901 bills and passed 878 into law. Shore Progress and members supported legislation that delivers for the Eastern Shore, protecting our environment, expanding access to housing and healthcare, strengthening workers’ rights, and more. Shore Progress Supported Legislation By The Numbers: Over 60 pieces of our backed legislation were passed. Another 15 passed in one Chamber but not the other. Legislation details are below, past the budget section. The 2026 Maryland State Budget How We Got Here: Maryland’s budget problems didn’t start overnight. They began under Governor Larry Hogan. Governor Hogan expanded the state budget yearly but blocked the legislature from moving money around or making common-sense changes. Instead of fixing the structural issues, Hogan used federal covid relief funds to hide the cracks and drained our state’s savings from $5.5 billion to $2.3 billion to boost his image before leaving office. How Trump/Musk Made It Worse: Maryland is facing a new fiscal crisis driven by the Trump–Musk administration, whose trade wars, tariff policies, and deep federal cuts have hit us harder than most, costing the state over 30,000 jobs, shuttering offices, and erasing promised investments. A University of Maryland study estimates Trump’s tariffs alone could cost us $2 billion, and those federal cuts have already added $300 million to our budget deficit. Covid aid gave us a short-term boost and even created a fake surplus under Hogan, but that money is gone, while housing, healthcare, and college prices keep rising. The Trump–Musk White House is only making things worse by slashing funding, gutting services, and eliminating research that Marylanders rely on. How The State Budget Fixes These Issues: This year, Maryland faced a $3 billion budget gap, and the General Assembly fixed it with a smart mix of cuts and fair new revenue, while protecting working families, schools, and health care. The 2025 Budget cuts $1.9 billion ($400 million less than last year) without gutting services people rely on. The General Assembly raised $1.2 billion in fair new revenue, mostly from the wealthiest Marylanders. The Budget ended with a $350 million surplus, plus $2.4 billion saved in the Rainy Day Fund (more than 9% of general fund revenue), which came in $7 million above what the Spending Affordability Committee called for. The budget protects funding for our schools, health care, transit, and public workers. The budget delivers real wins: $800 million more annually for transit and infrastructure, plus $500 million for long-term transportation needs. It invests $9.7 billion in public schools and boosts local education aid by $572.5 million, a 7% increase. If current revenue trends hold, no new taxes will be needed next session. Even better, 94% of Marylanders will see a tax cut or no change, while only the wealthiest 5% will finally pay their fair share. The tax system is smarter now. We’re: Taxing IT and data services like Texas and D.C. do; Raising taxes on cannabis and sports betting, not groceries or medicine; and Letting counties adjust income taxes. The budget also restores critical funding: $122 million for teacher planning $15 million for cancer research $11 million for crime victims $7 million for local business zones, and Continued support for public TV, the arts, and BCCC The budget invests in People with disabilities, with $181 million in services Growing private-sector jobs with $139 million in funding, including $27.5 million for quantum tech, $16 million for the Sunny Day Fund, and $10 million for infrastructure loans. Health care is protected for 1.5 million Marylanders, with $15.6 billion for Medicaid and higher provider pay. Public safety is getting a boost too, with $60 million for victim services, $5.5 million for juvenile services, and $5 million for parole and probation staffing. This budget also tackles climate change with $100 million for clean energy and solar projects, and $200 million in potential ratepayer relief. Public workers get a well-deserved raise, with $200 million in salary increases, including a 1% COLA and ~2.5% raises for union workers. The ultra-wealthy will finally chip in to pay for it: People earning over $750,000 will pay more, Millionaires will pay 6.5%, and Capital gains over $350,000 get a 2% surcharge. Deductions are capped for high earners, but working families can still deduct student loans, medical debt, and donations. This budget is bold, fair, and built to last. That’s why Shore Progress proudly supports it. Click on the arrows below for details in each section.
