The Changing Scene of Agriculture on the Eastern Shore, Part 2

George Shivers • July 21, 2020

Agriculture in the 19th Century and the First Half of the 20th


In the first half of the 19th century, Eastern Shore planters were still growing significant amounts of various grains, as well as raising livestock (cattle, sheep, and swine) and poultry. With the rise of steamboat traffic on the Chesapeake Bay and later of railroads, it was easier for Eastern Shore farmers to get their products to market and crops became more diversified. Fruit cultivation, especially peaches, was prevalent by the end of the century and into the next. Unfortunately, peach orchards were hit by a blight, the Brown Rot, which eventually ended that business in upper Shore counties.

Strawberry production became prevalent on the lower Shore during this period. John Jones, a Wicomico County farmer in the Allen area, began producing varieties of strawberry plants for sale to farmers. He was shipping plants far and wide by the first decades of the 20th century. In the 1930s, this writer’s uncle, Jay Shivers, took over the business. He published catalogues annually, which were widely distributed. He maintained that business into the 1950s, shipping strawberry plants all over the United States as well as abroad. W.F. Allen, another Wicomico County entrepreneur, established peach and apple orchards. He processed his fruit in Salisbury, and operated a retail outlet there, as well as shipping fruit to other markets.

Cultivation of string beans, lima beans, cucumbers, watermelons, cantaloupes, and white and sweet potatoes was firmly established on the Eastern Shore in the early 20th century and continued until the 1960s. This was the epoch when the family farm could work, if not prosper, though it became more difficult toward the end of the period. Known as “truck farming,” it required a lot of labor, especially during the harvest period. As a result, farmers brought in workers, primarily African Americans, who would move up the east coast from Florida as the crops ripened. They were paid in cash based on the amount of product they harvested and in many cases lived in “labor camps,” owned and operated by the farmers who employed them.



This writer grew up on a truck farm in the late ‘40s and ‘50s. My parents lived on a 190-acre farm in Wicomico County, which had been purchased by my grandparents in 1917. My family was nearly self-sufficient during my childhood. My father had a number of dairy cattle, which provided us with milk and the butter my mother made with an electric mixer (not a churn!). He also raised beef cattle and had one slaughtered every year; a local butcher prepared and packaged the meat to be stored in the chest freezer in our basement. We also raised chickens, both broilers and laying hens. They provided food for us, but my mother also developed regular customers in Salisbury who purchased fryers and eggs. My father also bought calves to be fattened on the milk of our small dairy herd and then marketed for veal.

 

With regard to the truck farm business, my father worked for his older brother, Jay Shivers, mentioned earlier in this account. Because my uncle had purchased other farms and also rented land, perhaps we were not typical family farmers. They grew string (green) beans, limas, white potatoes, cucumbers, tomatoes, watermelons, and cantaloupes. They also grew field corn and hay for their animals. The crops were usually sold at local auction blocks, or a local processing plant in the case of tomatoes.

 

Labor for us operated somewhat differently from some of our neighbors who had invested in labor camps for migrant laborers. There were two large migrant families who made their way to us each spring. A large house on one of the farms my uncle had purchased provided housing for one family. A smaller house on our farm served the same purpose for the other family. There was electricity in both, but no running water or indoor plumbing in the house on our property. As a child, I simply figured that was the way things were. My main concern was that two of their sons became my primary playmates when none of us were working.

 

Other labor needs were provided by African Americans in a Somerset County water community. I assume they worked in the seafood business in the winter, but in the spring and summer were available for harvesting. One man had a school bus and my uncle paid him for providing transportation. My uncle (and other farmers, I believe) also sometimes hired young men from Jamaica who worked year-round. There was a former slave quarter on his farm (two rooms up and two rooms down, as I recall, with a fireplace between them). As an aside, the slave owner who had owned his farm in the mid-19th century was responsible for the slave quarter. He, however, had repented, joined the Republican Party before the Civil War, and freed his slaves.

 

By the late 1950s, things were changing in Eastern Shore agriculture. More about that in Part 3 of our series.

 

 

A native of Wicomico County, George Shivers holds a doctorate from the University of Maryland and taught in the Foreign Language Dept. of Washington College for 38 years before retiring in 2007. He is also very interested in the history and culture of the Eastern Shore, African American history in particular.



Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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