The Filibuster: Pirates to Politics

Jane Jewell • April 20, 2019

Does it ever seem that our congress has been hijacked? That nothing gets done? That bills and budgets are not passed, that nominees are not confirmed, that we’re always at war but war is never declared, or that the government is in gridlock or even shut down because no one can agree or compromise? We tend to blame it on a decrease in civility in every aspect of society, on an increase in partisan politics, or on unethical, egotistical, power-grabbing politicians. Now these are surely factors. But often, especially in the Senate, the problem is baked into the system. Enter the filibuster.

Today we know the filibuster as a technique to delay or block the passage of a bill. It is generally used by a single senator—or sometimes a group of senators—who are passionately opposed to a particular bill but realize that they don’t have the votes to stop the bill. While any tactic that will obstruct, stop, or delay the process is technically a filibuster, the most commonly used filibuster tactic is to prevent the bill from coming to a vote by just keeping the debate going endlessly. In other words, by “talking it to death.”

Senators can do this because of a peculiar combination of Senate rules and traditions. First of all, they are allowed to speak as long as they want, without interruption, on any subject. Thus, they can go on for hours, taking turns if there are several of them, or, when it’s a single senator, giving marathon speeches that are hours-long and that may include telling jokes or reading from the phone book and the Bible. The longest single-Senator filibuster was 24 hours and 18 minutes, given by Strom Thurmond in 1957 in an attempt to stop a civil rights bill. The filibuster has most frequently been used on legislation regarding hot-button issues including the budget, civil rights, and the military. Filibusters have been very effective in stopping or amending controversial laws although they also fail frequently to do more than delay the inevitable. Often the mere threat of a filibuster is enough to cause the proposed bill to be dropped completely, at least for that session of congress.

This kind of delaying tactic can’t happen in the House because their rules include various limits on debate, the first of which was established in 1811. Then in 1842, the House permanently abolished unlimited debate. However, the Senate, despite an increasing use of the filibuster during the 1800s, refused to adopt any limit at all on debate until 1917. Then, during America’s growing involvement in World War I, President Woodrow Wilson became exasperated with the Senate’s interminable debate and inability to decide on important issues regarding the war. Wilson publicly castigated the Senators, calling them a “little group of willful men” who “rendered the great Government of the United States helpless and contemptible.” This motivated the Senate, in a patriotic fervor, to pass Rule 22, known as “cloture” which allowed 16 senators to sign a petition calling for an end to debate. Then if 2/3 of senators voted “aye,” debate would be limited to just 30 more hours, after which a vote must be held. In the 1970s, that was lowered to 3/5 of senators, which meant 60 senators must vote in favor to end a filibuster. Cloture, however, is difficult to get.

It’s an odd irony of history that the potential for the Senate filibuster was created accidentally in 1806 based on a suggestion made a year earlier by Aaron Burr, then Vice-president of the United States and therefore the official tie-breaker for the Senate.At that point Congress was still developing its rules and traditions. During one session concerning the rules, Burr suggested dropping the then current rule that allowed any member to call “the previous question,” which meant to call for a vote on whatever measure was under discussion at the time. Under that rule, whenever “a vote is called,” the debate stops and a vote must be taken. The motion then passes or fails.

While this obstructive practice of marathon speeches was used by the Romans and probably by every legislative body in every era, the term “filibuster” was not used for the technique until the mid-1800s. Originally, the term came from the Dutch word vrijbuiter , meaning “pirate” or “freebooter.” The similar Spanish term, filibustero , was used to refer to pirates or adventurers who tried to take over a region, country, or government through mainly non-military but generally illegal and/or devious methods. The odd linguistic parallel here is that Aaron Burr who made the Senatorial filibuster possible was himself charged and brought to trial for a “filibuster” as the word was used in the 1700s and early 1800s in a political version of the Spanish and Dutch sense of an unauthorized hijacking or “pirate take-over.” Burr had raised money and support for an attempt to take over parts of US and Spanish territory including Florida, Louisiana, and Texas, with the goal of creating a new country—which, of course, he would be in charge of. Burr was acquitted of this pirate filibuster but the other filibuster that he created lives on.

The filibuster does more than just delay or stop a bill. It also brings attention and publicity to an issue that may not have been high on the public or political radar. This heightened awareness can result in changing opinions or the opposite, hardening opinions. Filibusters can—and have—resulted in compromises that would not have happened otherwise. These compromises may include the dropping of certain clauses in the bill or the addition of amendments, or significant increases or decreases in the funding provided in the bill. Those who favor the filibuster claim that it protects the minority from the tyranny of the majority. Those opposing claim that the filibuster actually promotes tyranny by a minority and blocks the will of the people. Which side of that divide individuals fall on usually depends on whether they are in the majority or the minority at the time. Although there have been many attempts to reign in the filibuster and some limiting rules such as the cloture Rule 22 have been adopted, the Senate has declined to abolish the filibuster as the House has. They realize that they may want it when they are next in power.


Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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