Blog Post

Thi-i-s close: Advocates keep pushing for the Equal Rights Amendment

Katharine Wilson, Capital News Service • Apr 16, 2024


Nearly 80% of Americans favor adding the Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution, according to a 2020 Pew Research survey.

 

According to Executive Director Rachael Glashan Rupisan of the Alice Paul Institute, an organization that works for gender equality, if there were an Equal Rights Amendment, policies like recent abortion bans wouldn’t have happened.

 

“We just saw specific acts and bills that have been in place in the law of land for decades taken away very easily,” Rupisan said in an interview with Capital News Service. “That's the difference: It's a lot harder to take away a constitutional amendment.”

 

The ERA would explicitly place sex-based discrimination protections for women into the Constitution.

 

ERA advocates point out that the only place where women are mentioned in the Constitution is in the 19th Amendment.

 

“So women can vote but they can't really have anything else,” Gonzalez said. “The ERA is such an important issue, so many different generations and cross sections of people can really get behind it because we all have something to gain from it.”

 

Despite more than a century-long push, the fate of the Equal Rights Amendment still sits in the hands of a deeply divided Congress, as well as various state legislatures, while debate continues over a controversial ratification deadline.

 

Origins of the ERA

In the 1920’s, fresh off the success of the 19th Amendment that gave women the right to vote, National Women’s Party members began to look at how to stop other methods of sex-based discrimination in the United States.


Alice Paul, a member of the party, wrote the original Equal Rights Amendment in 1923. For nearly half a century, a version of the amendment was introduced in every session of Congress.

 

“Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex,” the current version of the amendment, rewritten in 1943, states.

 

Congress passed the Equal Rights Amendment and sent it to the states for ratification in 1972, with a seven-year ratification deadline. Activists later cited that deadline as the reason for the amendment’s travails, arguing that the deadline would encourage states to delay their ratification.

 

There have been opponents of the amendment since its inception, one of its most famous being the late anti-feminist attorney Phyllis Schlafly, who said the amendment would take away policies that benefit women, would institute a draft for women, enshrine same-sex marriage rights, and protect the right to abortion in the Constitution.

 

Since the expiration of the 1982 deadline, three states — Nevada, Illinois, and Virginia — have ratified the ERA. Virginia, the last state needed, ratified the amendment in 2020.

 


Recent push in Congress

With the threshold now met, politicians and advocates are rallying around the amendment once again — hoping to finally add the ERA to the Constitution.

 

Multiple members of Congress introduced legislation to move the amendment forward in 2023, for the 100th anniversary of the amendment’s first introduction.

 

Current legislation follows two strategies: removing the 1982 deadline and then directing the archivist of the United States to add the amendment to the Constitution.

 

Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D–MA) said the House Equal Rights Amendment Caucus is leveraging every tool available to pass the legislation. Pressley founded the caucus in 2023 with Rep. Cory Bush (D-MO).

 

“​​The ratification threshold has been met,” Pressley said during a March 18 press conference. “The women of this country have done their job, states have done their job, and now Congress must do its (job).”

 

Bush and Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D–NY) both introduced resolutions that would recognize the ERA as ratified and enforceable. Both bills are sitting in each chamber’s judiciary committees.

 

Sen. Ben Cardin (D–MD) also introduced now-failed legislation to remove the deadline in 2023 in the Senate. In 2012, he argued against the deadline because such a restriction isn’t included in the Constitution and another amendment, the 27th Amendment, took over two centuries to ratify.

 

“The women of this country are exhausted and it’s been 101 years too long,” Pressley said.

 

Some states take initiative

As activists wait on updates to the constitutional amendment, state-level Equal Rights Amendments have been passed.

 

As of 2022, 22 states have state-level Equal Rights Amendments and 28 states have forms of gender equality provisions in their constitutions, according to the Brennan Center for Justice.

 

Molly Gonzales, the advocacy manager at the Alice Paul Institute, said the state amendments give advocates a window into what the ERA could do nationwide.

 

For example, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court used the state’s ERA in January to argue that abortion restrictions can be challenged as sex discrimination.

 

“We're kind of just starting to see the untapped potential of what that means,” Gonzales said about the state amendments.

 


Capital News Service is a student-powered news organization run by the University of Maryland Philip Merrill College of Journalism. For 26 years, they have provided deeply reported, award-winning coverage of issues of import to Marylanders.

 


Vote 2024. Image: Tumisu, via pixabay
By Jane Jewell 30 Apr, 2024
The Maryland primary election is set for May 14, with early voting beginning May 2 and mail-in voting already in progress. There are seven Republican candidates for the state’s open U.S. Senate seat, all hoping to be the GOP candidate in the general election on November 5. For nearly a year, the Republican primary was considered basically an open race, with the winner anyone’s guess. Then in February, Maryland’s former governor, Larry Hogan, entered the race and immediately became the front runner and — in many commentators’ opinion — the presumptive winner. This puts Maryland’s entire senate race in a new light. Until Hogan entered the GOP primary, Maryland was considered a safe state for the Democrats. Recent polls now predict a close race in November between Hogan and either of the two leading Democratic candidates. Maryland’s senate race is important because the senate is almost evenly divided between Democrats and Republicans. Given the Democrats’ one-seat majority, the loss or gain of even one by either party will affect control of the senate. To help voters decide who best represents their views, this article looks at Hogan’s biography and his record as governor, including abortion and reproductive rights, education, voting rights, gun violence, and transportation. Hogan’s Biography Born in Washington D.C., Hogan attended Catholic high schools in Maryland and Florida and in 1978 was awarded his bachelor’s degree in political science from Florida State University. His early career was in real estate after he founded his brokerage firm, the Hogan Companies. His political experience includes serving as secretary of appointments from 2003 to 2007 for then-Maryland Gov. Robert Ehrlich (R). Hogan was elected governor in 2014 and re-elected in 2018. In 2019-20, he chaired the National Governors’ Association. Hogan on the Issues Hogan is considered a moderate, pro-business Republican, generally in line with traditional GOP positions and policies. He does not support former President Donald Trump and has said publicly that President Joe Biden legitimately won the 2020 presidential election. As governor, Hogan’s stance on various issues can best be seen in his many vetoes of bills passed by the Maryland General Assembly; most were overridden. His veto record suggests that Hogan may not be as moderate as his reputation and distance from Trump imply. Hogan vetoed the bill to gradually raise the state’s minimum wage to $15 over several years. He also vetoed an earned sick leave bill to allow workers five paid sick days per year. Another of his vetoes was against legislation to establish a paid family and medical leave insurance program. All three were overridden by the General Assembly and became law during Hogan’s term of office. Hogan has consistently opposed abortion and reproductive rights and services. He vetoed a bill to increase the availability of reproductive services and the number of trained providers. This veto came just before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, and the General Assembly overrode this veto. In a related action, Hogan refused to release $3.5 million in appropriated funds to train abortion and reproductive health providers. He also vetoed the Blueprint for Maryland’s Future . Proposed by the Kirwan Commission, t his educational reform proposed a 10-year plan to “expand pre-kindergarten programs and increase funding for schools with high concentrations of poverty, increase pay and career opportunities for teachers, create new career pathways for high schoolers who don’t plan to attend college, and establish an accountability board.” This veto was overridden. In 2018, a mass-shooting at the Capital Gazette newspaper in Annapolis by a gunman using a shotgun ended with five people dead and two others wounded. In response, the General Assembly passed a bill requiring background checks before the sale or transfer of shotguns and rifles. Hogan vetoed it. Hogan vetoed a bill to give voters the chance to sign their mail-in ballots if they had forgotten to do so. In 2015, Hogan vetoed a bill, also over-ridden, to restore the voting rights of ex-prisoners on probation or parole. On other issues, Hogan canceled the Red Line light rail project in Baltimore City which would have expanded public transit into new areas. He vetoed a bill to prevent the eviction of tenants who have pending applications for rental assistance in response to covid-related economic hardship. He also vetoed funding for the Prescription Drug Affordability Board , that would have helped lower medical costs for all Marylanders. In addition to Hogan, the other Republican primary senatorial candidates (with links to candidate information on Ballotpedia) are: Moe Barakat Chris Chaffee Robin Ficker Lorie Friend John Myrick Laban Seyoum Maryland Primary Election Basic Information The Maryland Board of Elections has information here along with links to find your polling place, request an absentee/mail-in ballot, track your ballot, and sign up to be an election judge. Here’s the schedule for the Maryland primary election: In-person voting: May 2 — Early voting begins, 7 am-8 pm May 9 — Early voting ends, 7 am-8 pm May 14 — Primary election day, 7 am-8 pm Absentee/Mail-in voting: Any registered voter may request an absentee/mail-in ballot. Voter registration deadline — for new voters or to add/change party affiliation: In-person: May 14 Absentee/mail-in ballot request deadline: In-person: May 14 By mail: Received by May 7 Online: May 7 Absentee/mail-in ballot return deadline: In-person: May 14 By mail: Received by May 14 More Information “United States Senate Election in Maryland, 2024,” Ballotpedia: The Encyclopedia of American Politics. https://ballotpedia.org/United_States_Senate_election_in_Maryland,_2024 “Maryland just passed one of the most aggressive climate laws in the US,” Jeff St. John , April 12, 2022, Canary Media . https://www.canarymedia.com/articles/policy-regulation/maryland-just-passed-one-of-the-most-aggressive-climate-laws-in-the-us “Commentary: A look at Larry Hogan’s record on key issues,” Larry Ottinger, Feb. 26, 2024, Maryland Matters . https://www.marylandmatters.org/2024/02/26/commentary-a-look-at-larry-hogans-record-on-key-issues/ “Larry Hogan Is Running for Senate as a Moderate. His Vetoes Tell a Different Story,” Eric Cortellessa, Feb, 14, 2024, Time.com . https://time.com/6694872/larry-hogan-maryland-senators-abortion/ “Hogan slams Maryland Senate's proposed Climate law, calling it a tax bill,” Ryan Dickstein, Mar. 10, 2022; WMAR2news . https://www.wmar2news.com/news/local-news/hogan-slams-maryland-senates-proposed-climate-law-calling-it-a-tax-bill Jane Jewell is a writer, editor, photographer, and teacher. She has worked in news, publishing, and as the director of a national writer's group. She lives in Chestertown with her husband Peter Heck, a ginger cat named Riley, and a lot of books.
Vote buttons. Image: Geralt, via pixabay
By Peter Heck 30 Apr, 2024
On the ballot for Maryland’s primary election on May 14, in addition to the usual offices — U.S. president, U.S. senator, District 1 representative, possibly the local school board — are the candidates for delegates to your party’s national convention. Who are these people? What are their responsibilities if elected? Convention delegates — usually local political leaders or party activists — are chosen at the state level, and each state has its own procedure for choosing them, subject to rules set by the national parties. We’ll look at the Maryland ballot, specifically District 1 — which includes the Eastern Shore — then at some of the variations nationwide. On the District 1 primary ballot, each party has a slate of delegates. The Democrats have six delegate slots and nine candidates; six are pledged to President Joe Biden and three are uncommitted. The Republican ballot has three delegate slots and six candidates, three each for Donald Trump and Nikki Haley. The Republicans also have three slots for alternate delegates, with six candidates — again equally divided between Trump and Haley supporters. An additional wrinkle at the Democratic convention is the inclusion of “superdelegates” — typically elected officials or high-ranking party officials, who are chosen by the national party and make up about 16% of the total. They aren’t bound to a single candidate. Party rules adopted in 2020 bar superdelegates from voting on the first ballot unless one candidate is deemed to have an insurmountable lead. This rule gives the regularly elected delegates a chance to choose a candidate, based on the state primaries and party caucuses — which take the place of primaries in 13 states — if the voting appears close. The GOP has not adopted the superdelegate model, but each state has three “automatic delegates,” who are members of that state’s Republican National Committee, including the state chairman. The two parties have different systems to decide how many delegates the primary candidates receive. The Democrats allocate delegates proportionally to the candidates’ totals in the primary or caucus; a candidate must receive at least 15% of a state’s vote to be allocated a delegate. This rule applies to all Democratic primaries. The Republicans’ system varies from state to state; some allocate delegates winner-take-all and others use a proportional method like the Democrats. What does a delegate’s support of a specific candidate mean? In several states, delegates are required by law to support their candidate for a specified number of ballots. In states where that is not a requirement — Maryland is one — the Democratic party strongly encourages delegates to vote for the candidate to whom they’re pledged, at least on the first ballot. Republican delegates are “bound” — in which case they are required by the party to vote for the winner of their state’s primary — or unbound and free to vote for anyone. The automatic delegates from every state are bound. At the conventions this summer, the delegates will nominate their party’s presidential and vice-presidential candidates, unless the nominees have already been selected by primary and caucus results prior to the convention; in that case, the actual vote will be a formality. The last time the choice of nominee took more than one ballot was 1952 for the Democrats. The candidate for vice president is typically chosen by the presidential candidate before the convention and is voted on by acclamation. Delegates are different from Electoral College electors, who are appointed after the general election in November. The electors may or may not have served as delegates; it’s a completely different step in the election process. If everything is decided at the primary/caucus level, what then, you may ask, is the point of the national conventions? Wouldn’t it be easier and cheaper just to pick a candidate based on the primaries? Yes, but that overlooks the significant publicity splash from the conventions, which receive major media and press coverage. The convention is often the first chance for voters to see and hear the candidates, especially if they are not incumbents. And speeches and raucous celebrations on the convention floor generate enthusiasm, which the parties hope will spread to the general public. A convention also showcases other political figures, some of whom may go on to run for major office. Barack Obama’s keynote speech at the 2004 Democratic convention is widely cited as the point at which he emerged into the national consciousness, setting the stage for his successful presidential campaigns. In addition to selecting candidates for president and vice president, conventions adopt a party’s platform, which often reflects the priorities of the leading candidate, especially in the case of an incumbent. On the other hand, the platform can provoke considerable internal wrangling — at the 1996 Republican convention, for example, moderates unsuccessfully fought against a “Human Life Amendment” plank. In 2020, to avoid debates over policy that might split the party, the Republicans offered no platform at all beyond support for Donald Trump. When you vote for convention delegates, you’re sending the winners to one of the nation’s most visible political events. The smoke-filled rooms may be gone, but the days of stirring speeches, energetic demonstrations in support of candidates, and national media exposure of the party’s personalities and principles are still with us. And delegates still have an important role to play in the formation of policy priorities. In short, convention delegates are in for an experience of a lifetime. After all, it’s not every day they get to be on the main stage of history. Peter Heck is a Chestertown-based writer and editor, who spent 10 years at the Kent County News and three more with the Chestertown Spy. He is the author of 10 novels and co-author of four plays, a book reviewer for Asimov’s and Kirkus Reviews, and an incorrigible guitarist. 
Schoolbus. Image: Azam Kamalov, via pixabay
By George Shivers 30 Apr, 2024
School board elections are getting more attention than ever. Although voters may be aware of each candidate’s party affiliation, elections for boards of education in Maryland are officially non-partisan. The number of members on a county board varies from county to county, but if the number of candidates is more than two times the number of vacancies on the board, the candidates appear on the primary ballot. In some counties — Dorchester and Talbot, for example — school board members are elected from districts. In others — for example, Kent — they run at-large. A county school board’s responsibilities include hiring and evaluating the school system’s superintendent, developing the system’s annual budget, and approving school policies. School boards also consider citizens’ concerns. Boards are not, however, responsible for day-to-day operations of the system. Those are the superintendent’s, who hires staff, measures student performance, and responds to problems such as the covid pandemic. Dorchester and Talbot are the only Eastern Shore counties with school board candidates on their ballots in this year’s primary. Voters in District 1 of Dorchester will vote for one of the following: Brandy Dawson Cumberland Michael D. Diaz, Sr. Lucas A. Thorpe Information about the candidates, including contact information, can be found at the League of Women Voters’ VOTE411 website . The League posed questions to the candidates. One of the questions was: What strategies would you support to attract and retain effective teachers and administrators? Thorpe responded, “To enhance teacher diversity, I advocate for diverse recruiting initiatives and scholarships for aspiring educators from our school system. Revamping the Teacher Academy Program at DCTC will provide hands-on experience. By investing in these strategies, we ensure a rich and inclusive pool of educators, fostering a dynamic learning environment.” Cumberland responded: “Aside from a competitive benefit package, we need safe schools for our teachers. This is a tremendous concern presently in our schools. Additionally, teachers and administrators must be supported by their superiors and board.” Diaz did not respond. Voters in District 5 of Dorchester will vote for one of the following: Jerome J. Harris Michael Hartford Christopher M. Wheedleton, incumbent Information about the candidates, including contact information, can be found at the League of Women Voters’ VOTE411 website . To the question of what strategies he would support to attract and retain effective teachers and administrators, Wheedleton responded, “I have been working to support competitive compensation packages, professional development opportunities, and mentorship programs to attract and retain effective teachers and administrators. A positive work environment with opportunities for career advancement and leadership roles further enhances retention. Prioritizing work-life balance and listening to needs and challenges are integral strategies to ensure long-term commitment and satisfaction among educators and administrators.” To the same question Hartford replied, “I encourage broadening our teachers’ trainings and listening to their concerns firsthand. The more they learn, the better off our children will be.” Harris did not respond to the League’s questions. Voters in District 2 in Talbot County are asked to choose one of the following: Candace N. Henry, incumbent Connie Loveland Ann C. O’Connor Detailed information on the candidates can be found at the VOTE411 website . The same question concerning teacher retention was posed to these candidates by the League of Women Voters. Henry responded: “ To attract and retain effective teachers and administrators, a multifaceted approach is necessary. We must incorporate strategies aimed at creating an appealing/supportive work environment, competitive compensation, professional development opportunities, ongoing support for new teachers and administrators, advancement and leadership opportunities, prioritizing work-life balance, and recognizing/appreciating the value of educators and leaders.” Loveland’s response: “ I feel this is a subject that will require quite a bit of research. We need to make sure our teachers feel supported and appreciated. Talbot County needs to regain the reputation of the County where everyone wants to work. The County where long-time teachers want to stay. Effective recruitment and high retention rates are key. Happy teachers are the best tool to recruit new teachers.” O’Connor said: “Ask the teachers! The teachers are in the classroom and know firsthand what is needed to succeed. They know what is working and what isn’t as far as subject matter and discipline, Utilizing the talents of our teachers in placing them in certain positions/grades would have to be researched and developed. Offering support in the classroom with aides, ample planning time, reduced class sizes, and of course, compensation are all things that would be on the top of my list.” I encourage readers to seek information about all school board candidates. The current atmosphere in the nation of book banning and attempts by a minority of citizens to gain control over curriculum and educational policy makes it imperative for us as citizens to pay attention to school board races. A native of Wicomico County, George Shivers holds a doctorate from the University of Maryland and taught in the Foreign Language Dept. of Washington College for 38 years before retiring in 2007. He is also very interested in the history and culture of the Eastern Shore, African American history in particular.
Maryland Department of the Environment logo. Image: MDE
By Hunter Savery and Jon Meltzer, Capital News Service 30 Apr, 2024
Funding cuts and staffing shortages at the Maryland Department of the Environment (MDE) over the past decade have coincided with a decline in the state’s ecological health. MDE’s water-related enforcement actions and identification of major polluters plummeted during former Gov. Larry Hogan’s time in office. During this same period, water quality standards in the Chesapeake Bay declined significantly, falling to the same levels as those observed in the early 1990s, according to data from Chesapeake Progress. Over two decades, MDE lost one out of every seven employees and those positions went unfilled as environmental challenges increased. “What we saw in 2021 and in prior years was just a really dramatic cut-off (in resources) and Hogan’s initiatives to make sure that state agencies weren’t fully enforcing the law,” Katlynn Schmitt, a senior analyst at the Center for Progressive Reform, told Capital News Service . She is one of the authors of the 2022 Chesapeake Accountability Project scorecard — an evaluation of “water-related enforcement trends over the last two decades,” according to its website . Ben Grumbles, Secretary of the Environment under Hogan from 2015 until March 2022, disputed allegations of lax water quality enforcement. “The administration absolutely put an emphasis on compliance and enforcement,” he said. “We imposed and recovered many record setting penalties. We also had to deal with covid — we were not able to have on-site inspections because they put our employees at risk.” “When you get much below 1% (funding), that's when you start to see a lot of pollution problems. It kind of sends a signal to polluters that you're not going to get caught,” said Doug Myers, Maryland senior scientist for the Chesapeake Bay Foundation. More than 18 million people live within the Chesapeake watershed and over 3,600 species of plants and animals call the bay home. The bay is an integral part of the regional economy, providing upwards of 500 million pounds of seafood each year. However, commercial fishery stocks in the region have plummeted in recent years. The Chesapeake Bay is America’s largest estuary , and its watershed encompasses six states and the District of Columbia. Among these, Maryland provided its environmental protection agency with one of the lowest funding levels in 2020. Only West Virginia allocated a smaller percentage of its general fund to its environmental department. 
Drinking water. Photo: jdspixelworld, via pixabay
By Joseph Winters & Sachi Kitajima Mulkey, Grist 30 Apr, 2024
Some 70 years after they entered widespread chemical use, the federal government is finally regulating the so-called “forever chemicals” found in everything from nonstick cookware to menstrual products.
On the Tobacco Coast book cover. Image: courtesy of Farrar, Straus, and Giroux
By Jim Block 30 Apr, 2024
On the Tobacco Coast (2024), Christopher Tilghman’s latest novel, is the last of four that trace the history of the Mason family and their house on Maryland’s Eastern Shore, Mason’s Retreat. Readers familiar with this series will find plenty of familiar personalities and conflicts. About a dozen family members, ranging from toddler to nonagenarian, gather annually for a celebration, including a banquet, and on July 4, 2019, the Mason family is observing the estate’s 350th anniversary. What follows is a communal soul searching about family history, race and privilege, and the effort to find peace with the past. The characters’ conversations and thoughts recall people from the past, and these remembrances make up much of the novel. Actions and events offer the characters their opportunities to tell of characters and events in the past. Perhaps grimly, perhaps too self-referentially, Kate Mason, the family matriarch, imagines saying aloud later at dinner: “It is time to remember those whose lives were destroyed in order to make this moment possible.” This statement may be a clue to an understanding of Tilghman’s book. Eleanor, the middle child of Kate and Harry Mason, is a fiction-writing grad student at Columbia whose current project is a historical novel about the foundation of the Mason dynasty. Through her main character, Mary Foxley, Eleanor examines her family’s harsh, sixteenth-century history in establishing their early success. Foxley wonders about the legitimacy of the colonial enterprise’s displacement of the native people and abuse of the indentured. The natives’ lives and culture were destroyed to allow the survival of the English colony. Not to speak of the harm done to the later-arrived enslaved Africans. In the past, as the banquet has begun, Harry (the patriarch) has offered a “thought about the privilege of being a family in this unique place,” but this time he gives way to Margaret, a neighbor and friend of the family. Margaret stands and offers: “I would like to say that we all gratefully acknowledge the diverse and vibrant Native American communities who make their home here today,” provoking some hostility and a reparations discussion. French cousin Julien and his daughter Celeste are attending the celebration. They are descendants of two Americans born at the Retreat, Thomas Mason (White) and Beal Terrill (Black), childhood sweethearts who married and fled to France. The vineyard they started continues today under the ownership of Julien and Celeste; that story is told in Tilghman’s novel Thomas and Beal in the Midi (2019). Julien and Celeste are given a tour of the remains of their American ancestors’ village, Tuckertown. They see both White and Black cemeteries, including the headstones of Beal’s parents and brother. Having travelled 3,000 miles, they symbolically and emotionally reunite with their American ancestors. William Faulkner famously wrote, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” Few historians would argue that statement has no truth. Many clergy members argue that the past sin of Adam and Eve plagues their descendants today. In classical traditional tragedy, heroes commit errors that bring them down. The Mason establishment has no innocent past. In Tilghman’s four Eastern Shore novels, plenty of harm has been done by past Masons, not the least of which is a pre-Civil War sale of Retreat slaves that breaks up families. That pain and harm lasts long after. Tilghman shows us that the 2019 Mason family members eventually find themselves, if not blessed, then at least free enough from curse to live decent, productive, and even somewhat creative lives. This writer, having reviewed the three previous books, appreciates the development and extension of them in the fourth. A new reader of the series, however, is far better off to read one of the earlier novels, in particular Thomas and Beal in the Midi . In that third book, the interracial marriage of Thomas and Beal Mason, their adventure in viniculture, and Beal’s life of social service in their rural community, readers will find rich reward. Jim Block taught English at Northfield Mount Hermon, a boarding school in Western Mass. He coached cross-country and advised the newspaper and the debate society there. He taught at Marlborough College in England and Robert College in Istanbul. He and his wife retired to Chestertown, Md., in 2014.
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