Vacation Housing on the Shore vs. Affordable Housing

Jan Plotczyk • June 20, 2023


Tourism is a major industry on the Eastern Shore and guest accommodations are essential to tourism. In recent years, there has been an explosion of online vacation rentals supplementing traditional hotel, motel, and bed-and-breakfast rooms for overnight visitors. The best known of these online vacation rental services is AirBNB, specializing in short term rentals (STRs), or the rental of entire apartment units or houses to tourists for less than 30 days.

 

AirBNB originated in 2007, but other online rental websites are older, like Vrbo (Vacation Rentals by Owner), which first took bookings in 1995. As soon as it became clear that people were comfortable listing rooms, apartments, and houses online, and that other people were comfortable using the internet to make their reservations, other websites appeared. AirBNB is the most successful and best known, and has become shorthand for the entire industry. Nationwide, the STR industry has increased 800% since 2011.

 

During the pandemic, interest rates were low and people were looking to escape from the cities, so investors bought up a lot of real estate and converted it into STRs. Profits were good, as many people were more comfortable staying in a rental house or apartment rather than a hotel room, and the STR business boomed.

 

As Business Insider wrote in a recent article, it was the "wild west" time of online vacation rentals. But the boom has turned into a bust in many places, with an oversupply of STRs. Local governments are faced with trying to curb the problems created by vacation rentals — noise, garbage, bad behavior, decreasing property values — while trying to cash in on the revenue generating aspect of STRs, i.e., occupancy taxes.

 

But the more troubling aspect of the conversion of properties into STRs is the fact that a large number of housing units were taken out of the long term housing market, reducing the number of properties available to residents to rent and buy, and raising rents and purchase prices of those left available.

 

As reported by Granicus (a company that provides web services and vacation rental tracking services for the public sector), “recent academic research seems to justify that citizens and local politicians have good reasons to be concerned about the impact of short-term rentals on housing affordability.” And anecdotal evidence abounds of people forced out of their rental housing situations because owners are converting their houses and apartments to more lucrative STRs.

 

A paper published by Harvard Law & Policy Review explained that the STR industry — understandably — emphasizes its positive effects on tourism, while critics contend that STRs harm neighborhoods, distort the housing market through living unit conversion, undermine labor unions, and exacerbate the affordable housing crisis.

 

The result has been to exacerbate the affordable housing crisis on the Eastern Shore, as STRs help increase rent and purchase prices, and reduce affordable housing stock. Axios Markets reported on May 31 that, “relative to prices in late 2019 — before covid — nationwide home prices were roughly 40% higher in April, according to the Federal Housing Finance Agency. There aren't that many homes on the market, and that's keeping prices from actually falling much.”

 


The Census Bureau recently released new housing data from the 2020 Census. Some of the data describe the types of vacant housing: available for sale, available for rent, and units for seasonal, recreational, or occasional use (referred to as seasonal in this article). Second homes, weekend homes, and vacation rentals are included in that last category. A housing unit was classified as vacant if it was unoccupied at the time of the 2020 Census.

 

The Eastern Shore’s nine counties taken as a region have a large percentage (70%) of seasonal units, and a relatively small percentage (15%) of units available for rent or sale. Of Maryland’s vacant housing, 27% is for seasonal use, and 42% is available for rent or sale.

 

There is an inverse relationship among the Eastern Shore counties between percentage of seasonal units and units available for rent and sale — when one of those categories is large, the other is small, and vice versa.

 

It is no surprise that Worcester County leads the Shore with 88% of vacant housing as seasonal units and only 7% of vacant units available for long-term rental or for sale. On the other end of the spectrum, Caroline and Wicomico counties, with the least amount of tourism activity, have fewer seasonal units and more units available for rent or sale. Kent and Talbot counties, both with a lot of shoreline, have large percentages of seasonal units.

 


A breakdown of vacant units into those available for long-term rent and those available for sale shows a similar ranking among the Eastern Shore counties.

 

It remains to be seen how local governments will address this issue, if at all. Local governments have had two responses: either allow vacation rental listings to multiply unchecked or cap the number of permitted rentals. The former option creates a glut of listings with lower rents and empty rooms; the latter option preserves investor income and often placates neighbors. Potential tax revenue weighs heavily into these decisions, as many jurisdictions levy a room or hotel tax on STRs. How to keep track of these properties is one problem.

 

But the bigger problem is the loss of properties for long-term rental and for sale. The Eastern Shore counties have a shortage of affordable housing for teachers, police, and the very workers who cater to the tourism industry. Where will they live?

 

 

Jan Plotczyk spent 25 years as a survey and education statistician with the federal government, at the Census Bureau and the National Center for Education Statistics. She retired to Rock Hall.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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