Voter Suppression Efforts in Maryland
Jan Plotczyk • April 13, 2021

After intense scrutiny of the 2020 election — including audits, recounts, and court cases — there has been no evidence uncovered of widespread or systemic fraud in all of the United States. The expansion of mail and early voting put in place because of the pandemic is being widely hailed as successful and without major problems. Despite all this evidence to the contrary, however, most members of the Republican party and leadership maintain that the 2020 presidential election was stolen.
Because of this unsubstantiated claim, extremist state legislators are attempting a fix. According to the Brennan Center for Justice, a liberal-leaning law and justice institute at New York University, as of late March, Republican legislators had introduced 361 bills to tighten voting rules in 47 states.
Most of these restrictive bills take aim at absentee voting. Nearly a quarter seek stricter voter ID requirements. State lawmakers also aim to make voter registration more difficult, cut back on early voting, and expand voter roll purges.
The three states that have garnered the most publicity with voter suppression legislation are Georgia, Texas, and Arizona, but Republicans in Maryland also introduced legislation in the 2021 legislative session that would have made it harder to vote.
Citing a need to address election fraud, Maryland Republican lawmakers introduced bills concerning absentee ballots and voting, penalties for voter fraud, and proof of identity at the polls. GOP leaders, citing “major deficiencies” in the 2020 election, said they want to restore the public's faith in Maryland's democratic process and build public trust in the state’s election system.
Sen. Bryan Simonaire (R-Anne Arundel) says his party is concerned with the integrity of the 2020 election, and that it’s incumbent upon legislators to make sure the public has a high level of confidence in the election process. He claims that Republicans are not trying to suppress the vote, but just want to ensure that there is integrity in the election process.
“We want a balanced approach where we have access and safeguards and it’s a well-run election process,” Simonaire said. “We will support that, but we don’t support the one-sidedness of it without safeguards.”
Sen. Stephen Hershey (R-Kent, Queen Anne’s, Cecil, Caroline) says there needs to be ballot signature verification in order to prevent disenfranchisement of correct and proper voters in cases of multiple ballots.
None of these six Republican-sponsored bills that the Brennan Center classifies as voter suppression legislation made it out of committee, and most did not get a committee hearing.
Joanne Antoine, executive director of Common Cause Maryland, said “A lot of the [Republican] bills aim to address issues that don’t actually exist here in the state.”
On the other side, according to the Brennan Center, 843 bills with expansive voting provisions have been introduced in 47 states. More than a third of those bills address absentee voting, while more than a fifth seek to make voter registration easier. State lawmakers are also focusing on expanding access to early voting and restoring voting rights to people with past convictions.
Democratic lawmakers in Maryland introduced 20 bills to improve access to voting in the 2021 session, echoing the national trend of three times as many expansive bills as restrictive.
Maryland’s voting-expansion bills address early voting and polling places, mail-in voting, creation of a permanent absentee voter list, voting rights of incarcerated and released people, and time off for employed people to vote. According to Del. Jheanelle Wilkins (D-Montgomery), sponsor of several of the bills, many of the bills address successful practices from 2020 that lawmakers want to codify into law.
The expansive bills that have come up for a vote have had little to no support from Republicans. According to Del. Eric Luedtke (D-Montgomery), sponsor of several of the bills, a significant number of members of the minority party have voted against every expansive bill, using their unsubstantiated voter fraud argument as a justification.
Del. Wayne Hartman (R-Wicomico, Worcester) thinks that mail voting should not be expanded. “I don’t know how there’s not an opportunity for somebody who wants to vote, to vote in person,” he said.
So Maryland Republican lawmakers are no different than their counterparts across the country. They are attempting to reduce access to voting by proposing measures that will have a disproportionate effect on groups who traditionally vote Democratic, in the hope that if enough of them stay away from the polls, Republicans can dominate.
Kenneth Mayer, an expert on voting and elections at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, said in a New York Times article, “The typical response by a losing party in a functioning democracy is that they alter their platform to make it more appealing. Here the response is to try to keep people from voting. It’s dangerously antidemocratic.”
Luckily, in Maryland, this GOP tactic did not work.
Jan Plotczyk spent 25 years as a survey and education statistician with the federal government, at the U.S. Census Bureau and the National Center for Education Statistics. She retired to Rock Hall.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com

Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.

The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.