What a Difference a Rule Makes! Voting Rules, House & Senate, Part 1

Jane Jewell • February 21, 2019

This is the first in a series of occasional mini civics lessons wherein we look at how our American-style democracy works—or doesn’t. This time, a glimpse behind the scenes into how that “legislative sausage” is made.

Jan. 3, 2019, was a special day in Washington DC. It marked the first day of a brand-new congress—the 116th US Congress. Each congress—they’re all numbered—begins at noon on Jan 3 of odd-numbered years and lasts for two years. The 116th Congress will consist of two one-year “sessions,” the first runs through Jan. 2, 2020, and the second through Jan. 2, 2021.

The first order of business for each new congress is to set and vote on the rules for their two-year term. Usually the rules are carried over from the previous congresses—with perhaps a few tweaks here and there. Mostly those tweaks are minor, though even a small rule change can sometimes make a dramatic difference in the way Congress works. Each of the two chambers of congress—the US House of Representatives and the US Senate—makes their own rules. And although they are similar, there are a few major differences.

One such difference that has already had a huge impact in 2019 concerns the way bills are brought to the floor of either chamber for debate followed by a final vote on passage.

Both the House and the Senate have procedures to request or require an end of debate and to go directly to a final vote on a bill. This can be routine or requested when there is any delay or political stalling in placing a vote on the agenda. In the House, it is a fairly simple, straightforward procedure. It’s basically the same as in Robert’s Rules of Order which is the standard guide book used by most boards, companies, clubs, and other organizations.

In the House, if there is a delay in scheduling a vote, any member can call the “previous question” or “previous motion,” and then a vote to end debate must be held. If it passes with a simple majority, then discussion on the issue is officially over and the final vote is taken either soon or immediately after. The bill either passes and becomes law or it doesn’t. Though a lot of politicking and pressure goes on, at least this way no one person can indefinitely prevent a measure from being debated and voted on.

However, it is very different in the Senate. There is no easy way in that chamber to force or guarantee that a final vote will ever be held—whether that vote is for a bill, a nomination, a treaty, or a resolution.

In theory, and often in practice, Senate votes are scheduled as a matter of routine after a bill or other matter is voted favorably out of its assigned committee. However, the Senate, unlike the House, is basically structured on a consensus model, meaning everything must be decided unanimously. This effectively gives every senator an absolute veto on everything. Thus a tradition and practice of cooperation, collaboration, and trust is needed to get anything done. But what trust and collaboration there has been in the past has been steadily eroding in recent decades.

For example, in recent years, under multiple administrations, many nominations have not been voted on for months or even years because one senator “put a hold” on the vote, using the senatorial veto and preventing the other senators from exercising their votes. Likewise, chairs of committees and majority leaders of both parties have refused to put controversial measures—or just ones they didn’t personally like or were afraid might pass—onto the agenda so that they could be brought to the Senate floor and discussion could begin.

While consensus or unanimous consent is a laudable goal—in fact it’s a very attractive idea—in practice it can cause the wheels to grind to a halt and make it almost impossible to hold any votes or make any decisions at all.

The best known recent example of this “any-senator-can-veto-anything” situation is Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who last December refused to allow the Senate to vote on a Budget bill to prevent the government shutdown—a bill that had already been passed by the House. That shutdown cost the US billions of dollars, much emotional stress, and was so unpopular within both parties and among the general population that the next Budget bill—one that was almost the same as the first—passed easily. Now that first version might not have passed, though it was expected to pass if it ever came to a vote. But we’ll never know because one senator prevented that vote. This is not an evaluation of that one senator for being obstructive, but an analysis of a system that allows, even encourages, such results.

In Part 2, we will look into the various methods that our politicians and representatives use to grease—or throw a monkey wrench into—the wheels in the Senate. Next time, the infamous filibuster and the byzantine cloture process along with the less familiar but frequently-used UCA (Unanimous Consent Agreement).


Links for some sources for this article and for more information on the subject:

“Where, When, and Why Does the US Congress Meet? Keeping the Nation's Legislative Business on Schedule”: https://www.thoughtco.com/what-are-congressional-sessions-3322284

“What Senate Cloture Votes Tell US About Obstructionism”: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2013/11/12/what-senate-cloture-votes-tell-us-about-obstruction/?utm_term=.a113f6602d65

“Worksheet: The Legislative Branch”: https://docplayer.net/23965410-Worksheet-the-legislative-branch.htm l


Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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