Banned Book Summer Reading List

CSES Staff • June 21, 2022


All American Boys (2015) by Jason Reynolds and Brendan Kiely is a Young Adult (YA) novel about two high school students, Rashad, who is Black, and Quinn, who is White. Rashad is wrongfully accused of shoplifting potato chips and attacking a woman. A White police officer immediately takes Rashad out to the sidewalk and beats the boy without any questioning. Bleeding internally, Rashad goes by ambulance to the hospital.

 

Quinn witnesses the beating and quickly leaves the scene. He is torn by witnessing a violent injustice and knowing the offending police officer. This officer has mentored Quinn since his father died in Afghanistan. A video of the beating goes viral and divides the students in the school.

 

Quinn attends a protest with Rashad’s family and others. At the police station, the demonstrators lie on the ground in a “die in.” Rashad and Quinn, together at the protest, look at each other, suggesting a good relationship in the future.

 

Objections to the book cite the portrayal of racial profiling, of police violence, and of foul language.

 

 

All Boys Aren’t Blue (2020) is a YA memoir about growing up Black and queer. In it, LGBTQ+ activist George M. Johnson writes about being bullied, deals with issues of consent, agency, and sexual abuse, and depicts a sexual encounter and statutory rape. Johnson says young people need stories of their lived experiences and identity struggles.

 

In 2021, All Boys Aren’t Blue was named to the Teen Top 10 Titles by the Young Adult Library Services Association; the list is a “teen choice” list. This book is also No. 3 on the American Library Association’s Top 10 Most Challenged Books of 2021. The book has been removed from schools in at least 15 states because of its LGBTQ+ themes and profanity, and because it is considered sexually explicit.

 

 

Between the World and Me (2015) by Ta-Nehisi Coates is a semi-autobiographical letter to his teenage son about the realities of being Black in the United States. He looks at American history through the lens of how racist violence and White supremacy are woven into the social fabric of the United States. His book was inspired by James Baldwin’s 1963 epistolary novel, The Fire Next Time. The title is from a poem by Richard Wright. The author shows no optimism with regard the overcoming White supremacy.

 

This book won the National Book Award in 2015, and it remained at the top of the New York Times bestseller list for nonfiction for three weeks that year. Many colleges and universities have it as their common reading for first-year students. After complaints, however, some local school districts have nixed it for classroom instruction as being racist and anti-police.

 

 

Gender Queer (2019) by Maia Kobabe is a graphic memoir about coming of age and exploring gender identity. Kobabe passes through stages of anxiety and confusion while trying to establish an identity. At one point, Kobabe writes, “I don’t want to be a girl. I don’t want to be a boy, either. I just want to be myself.”

 

Critics label the book unsuitable for young people because it depicts a man touching a youth’s penis as well as oral sex and masturbation. A South Carolina governor called the memoir “sexually explicit” and “pornographic.” A Virginia judge ruled that parental permission must be granted before students may read the book. The ALA labeled it the most challenged book of 2021. School libraries in Florida, North Carolina, and New York have removed the book from circulation.

 

 

Heather Has Two Mommies (1989), by Lesléa Newman, is an early children’s book about life with lesbian parents. The ALA ranked it the ninth most frequently challenged book in the U.S. in the 1990s. It was criticized by people opposed to same-sex marriage and by some LGBTQ+ individuals who thought the portrayal wasn’t acceptable. However, the book also received high praise for highlighting lesbian parents.

 

Heather’s parents are her biological mother, who gave birth after artificial insemination, and her biological mother’s same-sex partner. At playgroup, Heather is upset when she finds out that many of the other children have a daddy and she does not. One child has two daddies. The caretaker of the playgroup makes sure the children understand that all families are special and no family type is better than any of the others. By the end of the book, Heather is no longer sad and she expresses gratitude for her mothers.

 

One complaint was that when Heather cries because she has no daddy instead of wondering why she has two mommies, it suggests that there’s a problem with having two mommies. Another criticism is that the queer relationship wasn’t realistic. Another criticism was about including artificial insemination. The author deleted this part in later editions because of objections that it was not child-friendly, but aimed at adults.

 

The book received high praise and, in time, publishers became more accepting of queer children’s literature. Heather was a trailblazer. Newman recently wrote: “But LGBT kids are still getting teased, beat up, and even murdered. If you think things have really changed, walk into a high school boys’ locker room. Books are a way to educate people and help the world become a better place. Progress is not as fast as we’d like it to be, but we’re moving in the right direction. It’s a new era, a new day for Heather, and a new day for the world.” The book has remained in print and at its 25th anniversary, Newman prepared an updated edition. The book is again challenged 33 years after its first publication.

 

 

Lawn Boy (2018) by Jonathan Evison is the story of Mike Muñoz, a 22-year-old Chicano in Washington State. Mike is struggling to find his way as those who propose to help him in employment take advantage of him. Mike is a creative and talented landscape architect, though he has had no formal training. He seems to be a natural artist and also dreams of writing a novel, but he constantly runs into the excesses of an out-of-control capitalism. The novel is narrated in the first person by Mike and has become controversial largely because of a scene of sexual exploration between Mike and another boy, when they were in the fourth grade.

 

The controversy began when a woman at a Leander, Texas, school board meeting complained that the novel was full of profanity and pedophilia. After her strenuous objections spread on the internet, school systems around the country removed it from their school libraries. Although there is no pedophilia, there is a significant amount of profanity, which may make the book inappropriate for elementary school libraries. Toward the end of the novel, Mike recognizes that he is, in fact, gay, after he establishes a relationship with a new friend. That process of self-discovery is beautifully handled by the author. The novel offers a strong critique of racism and classism in the United States, but without preaching, and demonstrates the importance of diligence, hard work, and following your dreams in the face of adversity.

 

 

Maus by Art Spiegelman is the only graphic novel to win a Pulitzer prize (Special Award in Letters), in 1992. Published chapter-by-chapter in the underground comic magazine Raw from 1980-91, Maus portrays Spiegelman’s interviews with his father about being imprisoned in the Auschwitz concentration camp during World War II. The subtitle, “A Survivor Bleeds History,” indicates the intensity of the father’s story of life as a Jew in Nazi Germany.

 

Spiegelman’s characters are anthropomorphized animals — Jews are mice, Germans cats, Poles pigs, Americans dogs, and so forth. While this is an obvious imitation of the Walt Disney style of comic storytelling, on a deeper level it comments on the Nazis’ genocidal tendency to see other ethnic groups as non-humans.

 

The author plays with this in various ways as the story progresses, with Jews wearing pig masks as disguises, and Nazis using guard dogs in the prison camp. Maus is widely recognized as one of the most important examples of the graphic novel, as well as a significant work of Holocaust literature.

 

Scholars have criticized the book on various grounds, including the author’s generally unsympathetic portrayal of his father, and the danger of reinforcing stereotypes by showing humans as animals. But Maus drew another kind of criticism in 2022, when the trustees of McMinn County schools in Tennessee decided to ban the book on grounds of profanity, violence, and nudity. In response, the book has found unprecedented attention, topping bestseller lists at Amazon and Barnes & Noble as readers decided to see for themselves what the book had to say — and to support the author.

 

 

Me and Earl and the Dying Girl (2012) by Jesse Andrews. Greg Gaines is just trying to make it through his senior year of high school inconspicuously when he is forced to deal with his friend Rachel’s cancer and impending death. With bluntness and humor, the New York Times bestseller describes a situation — and reactions and emotions — that young people may have to confront.

 

This book ranks seventh on the ALA’s Top 10 Most Challenged Books of 2021 mainly because of complaints about vulgar and offensive language and content. The author tweeted in response: “It’s a potty-mouthed book about how hard it is to process pain and grief, and how hard it is to grow up. The idea that this harms anyone is beyond stupid. That is how a lot of teenagers talk.”


 

Melissa (2020) is the story of a transgender girl in fourth grade who was called George by everyone until she found a way to reveal that she knew she was a girl. When her teacher announces that their class play will be Charlotte’s Web, Melissa wants to play the role of Charlotte. When her teacher says she can’t try out for the part of the female spider because she’s a boy, Melissa—with help from her best friend—comes up with a plan to play Charlotte and to let everyone know who she is, once and for all.

 

Under the original title George, this was the most banned, challenged, and restricted book in the U.S. in 2020. The author, Alex Gino, realized that not recognizing Melissa’s real sense of herself by titling the book George gave the message that it was OK to use an old name for a person when they have chosen a name that works better for them, so he asked everyone to cross out the title of the book and write “Melissa’s Story” instead. The book was republished as Melissa in 2022.

 

The novel deals with gender identity, but with no sexual activity. Melissa’s older brother thinks she is a gay boy, but she says she doesn’t “know who she liked, really, boys or girls.” Her brother also mentions looking at porn and “dirty” magazines as something boys do. Some parents object to the book because of these comments. It is clear that many parents are uneasy with sexual topics and think that children should not read this book until they are in seventh grade. However, children tend to recommend it for 9-year-olds.

 

The book won prestigious awards as well as high praise from major reviewers, and is an appropriate book for adults and children to read.

 


 Stamped: Racism, Antiracism, and You (2020) by Ibram X. Kendi and Jason Reynolds is a non-fiction book for ages 12 and up. Based on Kendi’s National Book Award-winning Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America (2016), this remix/sequel has been re-written in a more conversational style and considerably shortened. The complex language and ideas have been adapted for a younger audience by the popular children’s book author Jason Reynolds.

 

Both the original book and the teen version have been criticized for “selective story-telling” and for not presenting a fuller, more complex history of racism and inequality. Also, some public statements by Kendi have been criticized as divisive. It has been defended and praised as a powerful book that helps young people and adults understand past and present racism in America. It has been included in — and objected to — in the curriculum of numerous school districts.

 

 

The Bluest Eye by Toni Morrison. Published in 1970, Morrison’s first novel is about growing up Black in the 1940s in a predominantly White community in Ohio. We follow Pecola Breedlove as she faces persistent racism from the townspeople and sexual abuse by her alcoholic father beginning at 9 years old. Pecola develops a severe inferiority complex after being criticized as “ugly” because of her dark skin. The title reflects her desire for the blue eyes she associates with Whites. Ultimately, Pecola’s trauma leads to a mental breakdown, reflected in the novel’s increasingly chaotic narrative structure.

 

In 1970, the New York Times praised Morrison’s novel for its break with the predominant culture and its broad emotional range, though some readers were put off by its deliberately simple style and challenging subject matter. Morrison’s selection for the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1993 established her status as one of America’s leading authors, and her debut novel is a landmark in her career.

 

Even so, The Bluest Eye has come under fire for its inclusion of “sexually explicit material,” “disturbing language,” and what some apparently perceive as “an underlying socialist communist agenda.” On these grounds, a number of school districts have tried to remove it from their curricula and libraries. The ALA has included it on its list of “most challenged books” since the 1990s. From 2010 to 2019, it was the 10th most frequently banned, according to the ALA.

 

 

The Hate U Give (2017) by New York Times best-selling author Angie Thomas tells the story of a 16-year-old African American girl, Starr Carter, who lives in a poor neighborhood but is a student at a posh and snooty prep school in a wealthy neighborhood. One day after a party, Starr is the main witness to the killing of her best friend by a police officer. As the murder makes national headlines, Starr’s world is turned upside down and she’s harassed and threatened.

 

This YA novel has been challenged as having excessive profanity and an anti-police theme. Dealing with race relations and police brutality, the novel has been defended for balancing Whites, Blacks, and police officers as both good and bad. It has won numerous awards, including two Goodreads Choice Awards.

 


Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Jared Schablein, Shore Progress May 13, 2025
Let's talk about our Eastern Shore Delegation, the representatives who are supposed to fight for our nine Shore counties in Annapolis, and what they actually got up to this session.
By Markus Schmidt, Virginia Mercury May 12, 2025
For the first time in recent memory, Virginia Democrats have candidates running in all 100 House of Delegates districts — a milestone party leaders and grassroots organizers say reflects rising momentum as President Donald Trump’s second term continues to galvanize opposition.
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By Jared Schablein, Shore Progress April 22, 2025
The 447th legislative session of the Maryland General Assembly adjourned on April 8. This End of Session Report highlights the work Shore Progress has done to fight for working families and bring real results home to the Shore. Over the 90-day session, lawmakers debated 1,901 bills and passed 878 into law. Shore Progress and members supported legislation that delivers for the Eastern Shore, protecting our environment, expanding access to housing and healthcare, strengthening workers’ rights, and more. Shore Progress Supported Legislation By The Numbers: Over 60 pieces of our backed legislation were passed. Another 15 passed in one Chamber but not the other. Legislation details are below, past the budget section. The 2026 Maryland State Budget How We Got Here: Maryland’s budget problems didn’t start overnight. They began under Governor Larry Hogan. Governor Hogan expanded the state budget yearly but blocked the legislature from moving money around or making common-sense changes. Instead of fixing the structural issues, Hogan used federal covid relief funds to hide the cracks and drained our state’s savings from $5.5 billion to $2.3 billion to boost his image before leaving office. How Trump/Musk Made It Worse: Maryland is facing a new fiscal crisis driven by the Trump–Musk administration, whose trade wars, tariff policies, and deep federal cuts have hit us harder than most, costing the state over 30,000 jobs, shuttering offices, and erasing promised investments. A University of Maryland study estimates Trump’s tariffs alone could cost us $2 billion, and those federal cuts have already added $300 million to our budget deficit. Covid aid gave us a short-term boost and even created a fake surplus under Hogan, but that money is gone, while housing, healthcare, and college prices keep rising. The Trump–Musk White House is only making things worse by slashing funding, gutting services, and eliminating research that Marylanders rely on. How The State Budget Fixes These Issues: This year, Maryland faced a $3 billion budget gap, and the General Assembly fixed it with a smart mix of cuts and fair new revenue, while protecting working families, schools, and health care. The 2025 Budget cuts $1.9 billion ($400 million less than last year) without gutting services people rely on. The General Assembly raised $1.2 billion in fair new revenue, mostly from the wealthiest Marylanders. The Budget ended with a $350 million surplus, plus $2.4 billion saved in the Rainy Day Fund (more than 9% of general fund revenue), which came in $7 million above what the Spending Affordability Committee called for. The budget protects funding for our schools, health care, transit, and public workers. The budget delivers real wins: $800 million more annually for transit and infrastructure, plus $500 million for long-term transportation needs. It invests $9.7 billion in public schools and boosts local education aid by $572.5 million, a 7% increase. If current revenue trends hold, no new taxes will be needed next session. Even better, 94% of Marylanders will see a tax cut or no change, while only the wealthiest 5% will finally pay their fair share. The tax system is smarter now. We’re: Taxing IT and data services like Texas and D.C. do; Raising taxes on cannabis and sports betting, not groceries or medicine; and Letting counties adjust income taxes. The budget also restores critical funding: $122 million for teacher planning $15 million for cancer research $11 million for crime victims $7 million for local business zones, and Continued support for public TV, the arts, and BCCC The budget invests in People with disabilities, with $181 million in services Growing private-sector jobs with $139 million in funding, including $27.5 million for quantum tech, $16 million for the Sunny Day Fund, and $10 million for infrastructure loans. Health care is protected for 1.5 million Marylanders, with $15.6 billion for Medicaid and higher provider pay. Public safety is getting a boost too, with $60 million for victim services, $5.5 million for juvenile services, and $5 million for parole and probation staffing. This budget also tackles climate change with $100 million for clean energy and solar projects, and $200 million in potential ratepayer relief. Public workers get a well-deserved raise, with $200 million in salary increases, including a 1% COLA and ~2.5% raises for union workers. The ultra-wealthy will finally chip in to pay for it: People earning over $750,000 will pay more, Millionaires will pay 6.5%, and Capital gains over $350,000 get a 2% surcharge. Deductions are capped for high earners, but working families can still deduct student loans, medical debt, and donations. This budget is bold, fair, and built to last. That’s why Shore Progress proudly supports it. Click on the arrows below for details in each section.
By Friends of Eastern Neck Board of Directors April 16, 2025
Let your elected representatives and business and cultural leaders know that our Refuge and others like it all over the country deserve to be protected. They deserve our stewardship for the natural wonders they shelter, and because they provide refuge for people, too.
By Elaine McNeil April 9, 2025
The Budget Deficit In a recent debate on closing Maryland’s budget deficit, Minority Leader Jason Buckel, a Republican delegate from Allegany County, made an important point: “The man upstairs has only been there for two, three years. I don’t blame him for our economic failures of the last 10,” referring to Democratic Gov. Wes Moore, who was elected in 2022. Ahead of the 2026 gubernatorial elections, Buckel’s comments highlight a key reality that many of his Republican colleagues seldom admit: It isn’t right to blame Gov. Moore for a budget deficit that has been brewing for years. Now projected at $3.3 billion, Maryland’s structural deficit is a problem that started long before Moore took office. In fact, it was first projected in 2017, during the tenure of former GOP Gov. Larry Hogan. This isn’t an opinion — it’s a fact that Buckel and other lawmakers, including Republican Del. Jefferson Ghrist, have bravely acknowledged. During that same debate, Ghrist remarked that the Department of Legislative Services had warned about this deficit throughout Hogan’s administration, yet he did little to address it. Ghrist pointed out that during Maryland’s “good years,” when the state received a flood of federal covid-19 relief dollars, spending spiraled without regard for long-term fiscal health. Hogan used these one-time federal funds to support ongoing programs, which masked the true state of Maryland’s finances and created an illusion of fiscal stability. Hogan continues to take credit for the “surplus” Maryland had in 2022 — even though experts repeatedly note it was caused by the influx of federal dollars during the pandemic. As Ghrist correctly observed, the lack of fiscal restraint and slow growth during the Hogan years laid the groundwork for the $3.3 billion structural deficit the state faces today. Indeed, Maryland’s economy has been stagnant since 2017, especially in comparison to its neighboring states, well before Moore took office. Compounding these challenges are President Donald Trump’s reckless layoffs and trade wars with our allies. Thousands of federal workers who live in Maryland are losing their jobs, which will cost the state hundreds of millions of dollars in lost revenue. Trump’s tariffs will also put an enormous strain on local businesses, including Eastern Shore farmers, who are now subject to up to 15% retaliatory tariffs on chicken, wheat, soybeans, corn, fruits, and vegetables. FY2026 Budget Considering this grim reality, Maryland’s lawmakers are making difficult, but necessary, decisions to shore up the state’s finances. Gov. Moore and state legislative leaders recently agreed to a budget that prioritizes expanding Maryland’s economy without raising taxes on most residents. In fact, 94% of Marylanders should see either a tax cut or no change at all to their income tax bill under the proposed agreement. Lawmakers also plan to cut government spending by the largest amount in 16 years, while at the same time making targeted investments in emerging industries, such as quantum computing and aerospace defense, so the state is less dependent on federal jobs. While the richest Marylanders might see their income taxes go up, it’s reasonable to ask someone making over $750,000 a year to pay $1,800 more to support law enforcement, strengthen our schools, and grow our economy. As for the proposed tax on data and IT services, these products aren’t subject to Maryland’s sales tax under current law. Maryland leaders want to modernize our tax code by levying a 3% sales tax on these products. Because they don’t raise income taxes on the majority of Marylanders and because state leaders are also cutting spending by billions, these ideas are fair. They’re also necessary after Gov. Hogan chose to kick the can down the road instead of addressing Maryland’s long-predicted deficit and now that Trump’s policies will lay off thousands of Marylanders and his tariffs will hurt our state. By making responsible choices now, Maryland leaders are putting the state on a path to long-term economic stability. Their decisions will help Maryland thrive, create jobs, and invest in the vital services that every resident relies on — without burdening hardworking families. I’m confident Maryland will emerge stronger, more resilient, and ready to lead in the industries of tomorrow. Elaine McNeil is chair of the Queen Anne’s Democratic Central Committee.
By John Christie April 2, 2025
Among Donald Trump’s most recent targets is what he calls “rogue law firms.” At 6pm last Thursday, March 27, he issued an Executive Order (EO) aimed at my old law firm, WilmerHale, as one of those “rogue” firms. Approximately 15 hours later, the firm filed a 63-page complaint challenging the EO on multiple constitutional grounds. The EO is an “unprecedented assault on the bedrock principle that one should not be penalized for merely defending or prosecuting a lawsuit” and constitutes an “undisguised form of retaliation for representing clients and causes Trump disfavors.” And by 8pm on Friday, March 28, a little over 24 hours after the EO was first issued, a federal district court judge in Washington granted a request for a temporary restraining order, blocking key provisions of the EO from taking effect for now. In doing so, the Court found that “the retaliatory nature of the EO is clear from its face. There is no doubt that it chills speech and legal advocacy and qualifies as a constitutional harm.” The Executive Order The EO and a so-called “Fact Sheet” that went with it recites that the Administration is committed to addressing the significant risks associated with law firms, particularly so-called “Big Law” firms that engage in conduct detrimental to critical American interests. Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP (WilmerHale) is yet another law firm said to have abandoned the legal profession’s highest ideals and abused its pro bono practice by engaging in activities that “undermine justice and the interests of the United States.” The specific examples offered in support of this conclusion: The EO asserts that WilmerHale “engages in obvious partisan representations to achieve political ends,” an apparent reference to the firm’s representation of Trump’s political opponents — namely the Democratic National Committee and the presidential campaigns of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. The EO cites WilmerHale’s “egregious conduct” in “supporting efforts to discriminate on the basis of race,” an apparent reference to the firm’s representation of Harvard in the Students for Fair Admissions litigation. The EO accuses WilmerHale of “backing the obstruction of efforts to prevent illegal aliens from committing horrific crimes,” an apparent reference to the firm’s litigation related pro bono practice and successful challenges to immigration related policies. The EO accuses WilmerHale of “furthering the degradation of the quality of American elections,” an apparent reference to the film’s involvement in challenges to restrictive state voter-identification and voter-registration laws. The EO singles out certain current and former WilmerHale partners, including Robert Mueller, for special criticism by describing Mr. Mueller’s investigation as “one of the most partisan investigations in American history” and having “weaponized the prosecutorial power to suspend the democratic process and distort justice.” The EO then Revokes security clearances held by WilmerHale attorneys; Prohibits the federal government from hiring WilmerHale employees absent a special waiver; Orders a review and the possible termination of federal contracts with entities that do business with the firm; Calls for the withdrawal of government goods or services from the firm; and Calls for restrictions on the ability of WilmerHale employees to enter federal buildings (presumably including federal courthouses) and on their “engaging” with government employees. WilmerHale’s Complaint WilmerHale engaged Paul Clement, a former Solicitor General during the George W. Bush administration and a well-known advocate frequently representing conservative causes, to represent the firm in this matter. Assisted by some 15 WilmerHale litigators, the complaint names the Executive Office of the President and 48 other Departments, Commissions, and individual Officers in their official capacity as defendants. A variety of constitutional violations are alleged: The First Amendment protects the rights of WilmerHale and its clients to speak freely, and petition the courts and other government institutions without facing retaliation and discrimination by federal officials. The separation of powers limits the President’s role to enforcing the law and no statute or constitutional provision empowers him to unilaterally sanction WilmerHale in this manner. The EO flagrantly violates due process by imposing severe consequences without notice or an opportunity to be heard. The EO violates the right to counsel protected by the Fifth and Sixth Amendments and imposes unconstitutional conditions on federal contracts and expenditures. The complaint alleges that WilmerHale has already suffered irreparable damage in the 16 hours since the EO issued. The firm has been vilified by the most powerful person in the country as a “rogue law firm” that has “engaged in conduct detrimental to critical American interests. The EO will inevitable cause extensive, lasting damage to WilmerHale’s current and future business prospects. The harm to the firm’s reputation will negatively affect its ability to recruit and retain employees. Further Proceedings Temporary restraining orders constitute emergency relief upon a showing of likely success on the merits and irreparable harm were the temporary relief not entered. A later hearing will be held in order for the judge to determine whether a preliminary injunction should be issued preventing the government from executing the EO during the continued length of the litigation. Editorial Note: In light of the recent capitulation of several “Big Law” firms to the unreasonable and unconstitutional attacks by the Trump administration, WilmerHale is providing a blueprint for resistance as it fights back. More law firms need to be inspired by WilmerHale’s response to Trump’s demand for revenge on his so-called political enemies. John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
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