Black Farmers in Delaware, Part 3: Two Farmers and Hope for the Future

Jessica Clark • October 1, 2024


Twenty-five years ago, Black farmer James (Tim) Harmon, a resident of Jimtown near Lewes, Delaware, rented farmland in Rehoboth and Angola.

 

Through the years he saved to buy five acres of land, build a house and a shed to house three combines, five tractors and attachments, and trucks for hauling grain. He now owns and rents 225 acres in Sussex County where he grows corn, soybeans, barley, and wheat.

 

Having no formal agricultural education, Tim worked with and learned from his father and his uncle. His father rented farmland in Rehoboth, Oak Orchard, Millsboro, and Milton. Tim learned to repair all equipment. His son, who works full time, helps during planting and harvesting. 

 

As a Black man, he applied for only one federal loan about five years ago and did not experience any discrimination. 

 

Surrounded by upscale housing developments about one mile in all directions from his five-acre home, and in his late fifties, he is still not tempted to sell his property. And, he said, “God has blessed me. When farmland [I’ve rented] is sold, I have been able to find other farmland and been able to bounce back.” 

 

Seventy-six-year-old Seaford resident, Chris Thompson, states, “I will hold on as long as I can.” Chris rents farmland in the Angola area. Last year, the owner warned there was a potential buyer. This year, until June, he wasn’t sure he could farm there. The owner finally allowed him to plant when the sale fell through. 

 

“The ag industry is diverse, and although I have not been formally educated, most of what I have learned has been ‘hands on’ learning from my grandfather and father, from seminars, industry companies, and sharing information with other farmers.” 

 

Other than a four-year stint with the U.S. Navy and working as a salesman, Chris has always lived and farmed in Sussex County. To pay for farming expenses and to supplement his farming income, he works for approximately nine months of the year at a feed mill and delivers fertilizer to farmers, often 12 to 16 hours a day in the early spring, and hauling vegetables in the summer to lower Sussex County farm stands.

 

Throughout his lifetime, he saved and paid cash for a combine, two trucks, and other equipment. “When I qualified for a commercial loan, the interest rate was too high.” When applying for a U.S. Department of Agriculture Farm Service Agency loan, he was questioned why he had no credit. He stated, “I never financed anything. I always paid cash.” Also, the FSA paperwork was extraordinary. “And I had to get a lawyer to do the title search, all expenses I couldn’t afford and still qualify. I never had a lender who required this.” 

 

Thompson is proud of himself. He owns five acres and a home that is paid for. His daughter completed a University of Delaware Masters’ degree.

 

Justice for Black Farmers Act

The Justice for Black Farmers Act, 2023, initially introduced by Senators Cory Booker (D-NJ), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass), and Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), addresses the long history of USDA discrimination against Black farmers that has resulted in the decimation of the Black farmers’ population in America today. The Act will create an independent civil rights oversight board, investigate reports of discrimination within the USDA, and provide oversight of Farm Service Agency County Committees. During the pendency of civil rights complaints, a moratorium will be placed on foreclosures. 

 

One of the bill’s provisions is the Equitable Land Access Service, within USDA, to acquire farmland and provide up to 160-acre land grants to existing and aspiring Black farmers. Access to USDA operating loans and mortgages under favorable terms, successful planning, and legal assistance will be available to new Black farmers.

 

Delaware House Bill 297

Delaware House Bill 297, known as the Agricultural Opportunities Act, could be beneficial in addressing decades-long agricultural discrimination. The primary sponsors of HB 297, State Representative Sherry Dorsey Walker and State Senator Marie Pinkney, state the bill aims to include socially disadvantaged farmers, military veteran farmers, and beginning farmers in the agricultural decision-making process in Delaware and provide outreach to disadvantaged farmers to make them aware of programs to assist them.

 

The bill requires the Department of Agriculture, in collaboration with Cooperative Extension programs at Delaware State University and the University of Delaware, to create an agricultural training program. It also establishes an agricultural land lease program. Land owned by the State that is suitable for agricultural use will be identified. Priority for leases will be given to socially disadvantaged farmers, military veteran farmers, and beginning farmers. Current and prospective farmers of color will learn new agricultural practices and have access to funding, land, and education necessary to be successful.

 

Delaware’s farm statistics mirror nationwide statistics: there is a continued decline in the total number of farms, but a rise in the number of new and young producers.

 

Black farmers are less than 8% of the nation’s farm population. “That’s because a long list of discriminatory behaviors continues to plague them,” states Bill Spiegel in Successful Farming. He cites comments from an Alabama farmer that injustices and prejudices they face as Black farmers are numerous, including spending months straightening out incorrect invoices from input providers and waiting more than a year to obtain a critical disaster payment from FHA. Other discriminatory behavior includes excessive charges for supplies and getting approval by local banks or USDA for crop loans too late for the growing season, if at all. 

 

Agriculture, the major industry in Delaware, is estimated to be worth $8 billion. Despite their unique situation that exposed them to political, economic, and social discrimination, Black farmers played, and continue to play, an important role in Delaware’s present-day development.

 

 

Jessica Clark is a graduate of the University of Maryland School of Journalism. After a 30-year career as a Public Information Specialist and photojournalist for several federal agencies, she retired to Georgetown, Del. She restored former Governor John Collins’ 1790s home on Collins Pond and is a Sussex County Master Gardener. 

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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