Md. Rep. Andrew P. Harris and Gun Control

Jane Jewell • October 1, 2024


Andrew P. Harris, representative from Maryland’s First Congressional District, was one of a small group of House Republicans who repeatedly tried to evade the long-established prohibition against taking firearms into the House or Senate chambers.

 

On Thursday, January 21, 2021, Representative Harris walked to the entrance of the House chamber. He was carrying a gun.

 

Though concealed by his suit jacket, the gun set off the new metal detector that had been installed after the January 6th rioters’ invasion of the Capitol.

 

According to the HuffPost, whose reporter witnessed the incident, when Harris set off the metal detector, the Capitol Police proceeded to wand-scan him, revealing a gun concealed under his suit jacket. The officers refused to let Harris enter the House floor where a vote was in process.

 

The reporter then saw Harris attempt to get another member to take his gun so that Harris could go in and vote. That member, Rep. John Katko, a Republican from New York, said that he didn’t have “a license” and refused to hold the weapon while Harris voted.

 

Harris then left and returned shortly without the gun and was allowed into the House chamber.

 

This type of flouting of D.C. law, Capitol Police regulations, and House rules was easier to get away with before the metal detectors.

 

After the metal detectors were installed, some lawmakers, including Harris, openly resisted the new security measures. They tended to walk around the detectors, refusing to go through them. Or they walked through and refused to be searched or wand-scanned when they set off the detectors’ alarms.

 

In a way, this resistance to following what most would consider reasonable gun regulations is consistent with Harris’s voting record on gun control. He has voted against practically every proposed law that would regulate guns in any way, including a bill that would prevent the regulation of armor-piercing bullets. This would make it easier for criminals to obtain ammunition that could penetrate the bullet-proof vests worn by police and security guards. Harris also voted against banning the carrying of guns at airports and similar locations. His complete voting record on gun control and other topics can be found here.

 

Who may legally carry guns in the halls of Congress and the surrounding Capitol Complex? That’s a question that is currently quite controversial. And a bit tricky.

 

The Capitol Complex contains 20 buildings and extensive grounds, covering several blocks in downtown Washington, D.C. — most of the buildings used by Congress and the Federal Courts. There are nine House and Senate office buildings, three Library of Congress buildings, the Supreme Court building, and the U.S. Botanic Garden, plus several other facilities — many connected by tunnels. The grounds include four small parks and the Capitol Visitor Center.

 

This entire complex is subject to both federal and D.C. law.

 

In addition, there are rules, regulations, and traditions handed down from Congress, the Capitol Police, and various other supervising organizations. None of these, however, are supposed to take precedence over either federal or D.C. law.

 

Every year, millions of people visit the Capitol Complex. None are allowed to carry guns.

 

D.C. gun regulations are strict. Only registered firearms are permitted and only a few types of guns are eligible for registration. For example, rifles and shotguns are not allowed. They’re considered not appropriate or needed in an urban environment. Likewise, semi-automatic defined as assault weapons are forbidden as are any guns with detachable ammunition magazines that can hold more than 10 bullets.

 

Pistols require a “license to carry” issued by the District. Licenses to carry from other states are not valid in D.C.

 

And D.C. laws have numerous areas and situations where even registered guns are not allowed. The prohibition of firearms extends to such areas as schools, within 1,000 feet of a demonstration, and in the Capitol Complex.

 

The no-guns policy applies to everyone in the Capitol Complex — except the Capitol Police and members of Congress who may keep guns in their office but not carry them onto the floor of either the House or Senate.

 

This exception for legislators has some significant restrictions.

 

Lawmakers’ guns:

  • Must be kept in their offices except when being transported to and from the building.
  • Cannot be carried into the House or Senate chambers and some other specified areas in the Capitol Complex.
  • Must be unloaded. (Ammunition may be carried separately.)
  • Must be stored safely and transported securely wrapped and covered.

 

Harris, whether knowingly or not, was clearly in violation of the latter provision. He had complained in the hearing of the HuffPost reporter that his aides were supposed to remind him about the new metal detectors. However, he, along with several others, had repeatedly resisted the new security measures by walking around the detectors until the Capitol Police had cordoned off that access.

 

Some may wonder what reason legislators have for keeping firearms in their offices at all, or elsewhere in the Capital Complex. Or why they should not have to obey the same laws and regulations that everyone else in D.C. and Congress are required to follow.

 

 

Jane Jewell is a writer, editor, photographer, and teacher. She has worked in news, publishing, and as the director of a national writer's group. She lives in Chestertown with her husband Peter Heck, a ginger cat named Riley, and a lot of books.



Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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