Lunching with the Kremlin Guys (and Other Adventures at the Glassboro Summit)
Sherwin Markman • June 8, 2021
We were a small group of men, not much older than the college students having lunch at tables all around us in the dining hall at Glassboro State College. Two of us were Americans, Dick Moose, from the National Security Council, and me, an assistant to President Lyndon Johnson. Seated with us were a half dozen youngish looking men who worked on the Kremlin staff of Soviet Premier Aleksey Kosygin. At the moment, our bosses were attending a formal luncheon at Hollybush, the elegant old house which was the residence of Glassboro’s president. We were all here as a part of the ongoing summit conference between the United States and the Soviet Union.
Our Russian guests had brought caviar and vodka to our informal lunch. The caviar was quickly consumed, and Dick and I politely declined the vodka. We were more than a little embarrassed that all we could offer our guests was the same cafeteria food available to the students.
Our conversation was animated but friendly as we traded anecdotes of what it was like working for powerful bosses; surprisingly similar experiences, as it turned out. We could have gone on for hours, but our lunch was cut short when we were summoned to return to Hollybush.
Entering the house, we found that the main group was still seated around the large dining table. Although their meal appeared long finished, conversation was continuing. Standing just inside the doorway, I witnessed an exchange I’ve never forgotten.
President Johnson was seated between Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Premier Kosygin. McNamara was bent forward, leaning past the president, speaking directly to Kosygin in a loud, emotionally tinged voice. He was talking about how the people around this table had the power to destroy humanity, or to save it, to which he added his fears about the future for his own children and grandchildren. Kosygin was listening impassively. When McNamara stopped, the only thing I heard Kosygin say was, “I have children and grandchildren, too.” The awful reality of that exchange shocked me.
This was June 23, 1967, and how we got there is a story in itself.
That month had begun with violence and great danger. On June 3, the Six-Day War exploded between Israel and the Arab states. Almost immediately, it became apparent that Israel was headed toward victory. Then, suddenly, the Soviet Mediterranean fleet, which had been located away from the hostilities, turned and headed toward Israel’s coast, intent on somehow turning the tide of battle against Israel. President Johnson, determined not to let that happen, ordered the American Sixth Fleet to block the Soviets. Although this entire event was kept from the public, Johnson’s order created an extraordinary risk of military confrontation. Then, to our great relief, the Soviet fleet turned back, and conflict was avoided.
A short time later, Premier Kosygin traveled to New York to appear at the United Nations. President Johnson believed that a meeting between the two leaders was needed, and he sent word to Kosygin, inviting him to the White House. Kosygin replied that he was visiting the U.N., not the United States, and that it would be more appropriate for Johnson to come and meet with him at the U.N. Johnson disagreed, and there the matter stood. Both sides wanted a meeting, but were deadlocked over where to hold it.
Our State Department solved the problem by suggesting that the meeting take place exactly halfway between New York and Washington. That happened to be Glassboro, N.J., home of Glassboro State College. At 5:00 p.m., the Russians agreed and the summit conference was set to begin at 11:00 a.m. the next day, 18 hours away. At that moment, nobody in Glassboro even knew we were coming.
It was then that Marvin Watson, the president’s chief of staff, summoned me from my office in the West Wing, and startled me with the instruction that the president had decided that I was now in charge of making everything ready for the next day’s summit.
I was told I must immediately gather a complete team and have them at Andrews Air Force Base ready to board a White House airplane standing by. Working feverishly, I brought together personnel from the Secret Service, F.B.I., communications office, press office, state department, Navy cooks and waiters, and a variety of others I can no longer recall. In any event, we filled the plane and landed in Philadelphia at 10:00 p.m.
We were met by a cavalcade of New Jersey motorcycle police, who escorted us to Glassboro, where, because the news had leaked, a mass of media was already gathered. Pushing my way through, I walked up to the front door of Hollybush and knocked. The door was immediately opened by Dr. Hugh Robinson, the college president, with his wife by his side. They were nervous but friendly as I introduced myself and described my mission. I told them that we required a proper place for the conference, and that included facilities for a large meeting of the delegations, an intimate meeting between the two leaders, separate meetings of the two delegations, a formal luncheon of the delegations, and, of course, comfort and security for all.
Dr. Robinson’s response was to lead me on a tour of his campus, where, followed by the media, we quickly visited the student union and the gymnasium. I stopped it there and told Dr. Robinson what I had already decided: that the only suitable place was Hollybush itself. I said there were some things that had to be done to make it ready. Reluctantly, he accepted my offer. Ultimately, but with great reluctance, Mrs. Robinson also agreed.
What had to be done — and was — during that long night was enormous. The changes included 14 window air conditioning units and a transformer to power them (the house had none, and the weather was going to be brutally hot); new chairs and tables; dining room table and chairs; kitchen equipment; doors and draperies; security fences; communications equipment; and more. Somehow, we found the skilled personnel and the furnishings. Everyone worked throughout the night, and everything was ready by the time the summit began.
The summit continued that day and another, and I never stopped working.
About 10 minutes before the second day session was about to begin and as the Soviet motorcade from New York was pulling into the Hollybush driveway, the president’s helicopter landed on the ball field next door. Out stepped Mr. Johnson accompanied by his wife, Lady Bird. I greeted them and the president immediately asked me what was planned. I told him that Kosygin was here and they would meet immediately. The president snapped that he didn’t like the plan. As I began to stutter that Kosygin was already standing there waiting, Lady Bird turned to her husband and said, “Now, Lyndon, it’s too late to change. Just do it as Sherwin has planned.” Which we did. I was — and am — endlessly grateful to her for that, and, as it happened, it all worked out just fine.
Toward the end, the president stated that he wanted to acquire the two chairs and table from the small study where he and Kosygin had met privately. He wanted them for display at his planned library.
I approached Mrs. Robinson, but she refused to sell one of the chairs, telling me it was a family heirloom. I offered to have the chair duplicated for her. She replied, then you take the duplicate. But Johnson would have none of that. There was nothing I could do to change her mind and I passed the ball to New Jersey Gov. Richard Hughes, who somehow succeeded where I had failed.
When the LBJ Library was completed, those three pieces of Mrs. Robinson’s furniture were prominently exhibited, but the display did not last. A few years after President Johnson’s death, it was taken down and the furniture stored in the library’s basement.
Which shows, I guess, that even the fervent wishes of a president of the United States for what should be shown at his own library can and will be, with the passage of time, ignored.
Sherwin Markman, a graduate of the Yale Law School, lives with his wife, Kathryn (Peggy) in Rock Hall, Maryland. He served as an assistant to President Lyndon Johnson, after which was a trial lawyer in Washington, D.C. He has published several books, including one dealing with the Electoral College. He has also taught and lectured about the American political system.
Common Sense for the Eastern Shore
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
