Managing Communicable Diseases

John Christie • May 10, 2022

U.S. Supreme Court building at dusk. Photo: Joe Ravi, via Wikimedia Commons


On February 3, 2021, the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention published a regulation requiring that masks be worn in airports, train stations, and other transportation hubs as well as on airplanes, buses, trains, and most other public conveyances in the United States. This was quickly labeled the “mask mandate,” and failure to comply could result in civil and criminal penalties, including removal from the conveyance. (See Requirement for Persons to Wear Masks While on Conveyances and at Transportation Hubs, 86 Fed. Reg. 8025 (Feb. 3, 2021)) 

 

The mask mandate was first promulgated following the fall and winter of 2020-21, which brought a spike in new covid-19 infections due in part to emerging variants of the virus, some of which were demonstrably more severe than the original strain and more easily transmissible.

 

The agency declared that scientific data suggested that masks are “one of the most effective strategies available for reducing covid-19 transmission.” Spending significant time in a confined space while traveling with others of unknown health or vaccination status posed obvious additional risks warranting the use of masks for the better protection of all, in the opinion of the CDC.

 

The original mask mandate has been extended and is presently set to expire early in May unless further extended.

 

In July 2021, two individuals and an organization called the Health Freedom Defense Fund filed a case in federal district court in Tampa to challenge the mask mandate. The two individuals alleged that they fly less often because for them wearing a mask “increases anxiety” and “constricts breathing.” The Health Freedom Defense Fund is a non-profit organization that opposes “laws and regulations that force individuals to submit to the administration of medical products, procedures, and devices against their will.” The case was randomly assigned to Judge Kathryn Kimball Mizelle.

 

At the age of 33, Judge Mizelle was President Donald Trump's youngest judicial appointment. Her nomination was confirmed by a lame-duck Republican majority after a party-line vote of 49–41 on November 18, 2020, after Trump had lost reelection. Prior to her confirmation, the American Bar Association rated Mizelle "not qualified" to serve as a federal trial court judge. Her integrity and demeanor were not in question, said the ABA, “but these attributes simply do not compensate for the short time she has actually practiced law and her lack of meaningful trial experience.”

 

On April 18, 2022, following briefs and argument, Judge Mizelle rendered a 59-page opinion vacating the CDC’s mask mandate regulation because it “exceeds the CDC's statutory authority.” Although there were press reports of people cheering and ripping off their masks as airline pilots in midflight announced the ruling, public health officials called the impact of this decision “unimaginable” because Judge Mizelle’s interpretation of the law could “permanently diminish the government’s ability to respond to public health emergencies.” However, even if Judge Mizelle’s decision appeared to catch many by surprise, it was consistent with an interpretation of the same law last year by a conservative Supreme Court majority seemingly determined to shrink the ability of federal governmental agencies to deal with new problems.

 

The statutory provision relied upon by the CDC in promulgating the mask mandate is §361(a) of the Public Health Service Act, created in 1944 and codified as 42 USC §264(a). The first sentence of this statute broadly authorizes the CDC “to make and enforce such regulations as are necessary to prevent the introduction, transmission, or spread of communicable diseases.” The second sentence states that “for purposes of carrying out and enforcing such regulations, the [CDC] may provide for such inspection, fumigation, disinfection, sanitation, pest extermination, destruction of animals or articles found to be so infected as to be sources of dangerous infection to human beings, and other measures, as in [its] judgment may be necessary.”

 

Interpretation of the meaning of this statute raises the initial question of whether the second sentence expands or contracts the broad authority granted in the first sentence. If it is to limit the scope of the first sentence, the question then becomes whether the challenged regulation fits within the actions permitted by the second sentence.

 

This law and the scope of the CDC’s statutory authority to regulate to prevent the transmission of covid-19 came before the U.S. Supreme Court last August in a truncated fashion colloquially known as the “shadow docket” (Alabama Association of Realtors v. Department of Health and Human Services (August 2021)). That case involved the question of whether the CDC has statutory authority to impose an eviction moratorium in regions then currently experiencing skyrocketing rates of infection by preventing the significant movement of large numbers of persons suffering from eviction. 

 

In an unsigned “per curium” decision, the Supreme Court’s majority held that the second sentence of §264(a) narrows the broad scope of the first sentence and that the measures contained in the second sentence limit the CDC’s authority to preventing the spread of disease only by “identifying, isolating, and destroying the disease itself.” In the opinion of the majority, the downstream connection between eviction and the interstate spread of disease is “markedly different” from the “direct targeting of disease” that characterizes the measures identified in the statute.

 

Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan dissented, asserting that the second sentence is more “naturally read” to expand — not contract — the agency’s powers. The statute’s first sentence grants the CDC authority to design measures that, in the agency’s judgment, are essential to contain disease outbreaks. Reading the provision’s second sentence to narrow its first would undermine that purpose. As a key drafter of the act explained, “[t]he second sentence of subsection (a)” was written not to limit the broad authority contained in the first sentence, but to “expressly authorize … inspections and … other steps” the agency deems necessary. (Hearings on H.R. 3379 before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, 78th Cong., 2d Sess., 139 (1944)) Moreover, the second sentence empowers the CDC to take such “other measures, as in [its] judgment may be necessary” in addition to the enumerated powers.

 

In her opinion, Judge Mizelle concedes that “at first blush,” the mask mandate appears more closely related to the powers granted in §264(a) than the eviction moratorium. However, after “rigorous statutory analysis,” she concludes that §264(a) does not authorize the CDC to issue the mask mandate. Accepting the Supreme Court’s interpretation of §264(a), Judge Mizelle determined that “the second sentence narrows the scope of the first.” As a result, in her opinion, the power to authorize the mask mandate “must be found in one of the actions enumerated in the second sentence,” providing for “inspection, fumigation, disinfection, sanitation, pest extermination, destruction, and other measures.” 

 

The government argued that the terms “sanitation” and “other measures” should be read as “the promotion of hygiene and prevention of disease by maintenance of sanitary conditions.” However, Judge Mizelle, interpreting the second sentence in the language used by the Supreme Court majority, found that the CDC’s regulatory authority only extends to measures aimed at “identifying, isolating, and destroying the disease itself.” In her opinion, because the CDC required mask wearing as a measure that limits the spread of covid-19 but does not actively “isolate and destroy it,” the mask mandate falls outside of §264(a) and the CDC’s authority.

 

As of the time of this writing, the government has announced its intention to appeal Judge Mizelle’s ruling. As it stands, that ruling surely constrains the nation’s premier public health agency from enacting a variety of measures by which covid-19 and future communicable diseases may be contained beyond only those remedies designed to eliminate the disease.

 

 

John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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