Mother Nature is Going to Win — She Always Does

August 1, 2023


My little village on Maryland’s Eastern Shore is going to drown. What is going to be done to save it? Probably nothing.

 

I am OK with that.

 

The European settlement of Tyaskin — derived from the Nanticoke Indian word for “bridge” — was established on the banks of the lower Nanticoke River in the 1800s. Natural resources were abundant, and the village grew and prospered as a waterman community.

 

Tyaskin was blessed with a fine natural harbor in Wetipquin Creek. A nearly half-mile-long peninsula stretched south across the mouth of the creek — making it safe for steamboats and workboats to dock — sheltered from strong northwest winds and almost two miles of fetch. Over time, though, the entire peninsula washed away. From 1850 to 1950, its land mass shrank by half. It was reduced by half again between 1950 and the turn of the century.

 


I vividly recall teaching my young daughters in the 1990s to handle a Sunfish sailboat out there. Instead of being blocked from the river by the peninsula, they could shoot through the gaps of what had become a string of small islands.

 

Today, all that remains of the peninsula is a small tuft of marsh. Now, the south shore of the creek, Tyaskin Beach and the homes near the water lie naked before the elements.

 

Eventually, all of it — the beach, Tyaskin Park, the old steamboat wharf and probably my house — will wash into the Nanticoke River. A small, precious piece of Chesapeake Bay history will disappear, quite literally.

 

Should we ask for help in saving Tyaskin?

 

Recently, the New York Times ran a front page story about Venice — the profoundly historic medieval city that knows the scourge of regular flooding as well as anywhere else. In 1984 the Italian government, looking for a way to stop the Adriatic Sea’s relentless incursions, approved a plan for an innovative system of sea walls at the three inlets to the Venice lagoon — an estuary about one-sixth the size of the Chesapeake Bay. They were designed to be raised when necessary to stop flooding, then lowered when the waters receded.

 

The original plan called for the seawall to be operational by 1995. It was not until 2020, 36 years after construction contracts were signed, that the Venice seawalls were finally deployed. The project was plagued by corruption, bureaucratic infighting, and strong economic headwinds, according to the Times, and the total cost has been estimated at well over $5 billion.

 

By all accounts the seawall system has been a technical success, the article said. It has, in fact, prevented flooding in much of the city. But maybe it has been too successful. Predictions were that the seawalls would need to be raised five times a year. But sea level rise appears to have changed the equation: Since they were first deployed two years ago, the walls have been raised 49 times. Today there is a very real concern that the seawalls, while protecting much of Venice from devastating floods, will starve the estuarine lagoon of flowing water and turn it into a cesspool.

 

And there is the issue of who benefits from this work. Today, Venice has been “largely abandoned” by locals, the Times wrote, and has become a “floating and brocaded theme park” with once-banned ground-floor apartments becoming bed-and-breakfasts for tourists.

 

Closer to home, and on a much smaller scale, I found myself pondering those same questions at recent town hall meeting hosted by Wicomico County officials at a nearby community center: If we spend millions of dollars to keep the Bay at bay here and elsewhere, what exactly are we saving, and for whom? And just as important, will it work as planned?

 

At the meeting, locals expressed concerns about a breakwater the county had recently installed at Cove Beach, a few miles downriver from Tyaskin. A similar breakwater installation by the county several years ago, at what’s known as Cedar Hill Park nearby, succeeded in slowing erosion and protecting the park as a whole — but it turned the beach there into a “mudpit,” to borrow one resident’s word for it, making it unusable for recreation or for the Red Cross swimming lessons that once took place there.

 

Would there be, the residents asked, a similar misfire at Cove Beach? By preventing flooding in a parking lot, would the breakwater ruin the beach that the parking lot is there to serve? A Salisbury University professor in attendance made a compelling case that such a thing might indeed happen, with the breakwater depriving the beach of replenishing sand.

 

The county representatives at the meeting had nothing particularly encouraging to say in response. The only solution in each case, they said, would be to tear out the breakwater and truck in sand where needed — solutions for which the county had no budget in any case.

 

And that brings me to the core question. To save Tyaskin from drowning, should we expect taxpayers on the other side of the county to help foot the bill? Or, if it were a state or federal project — as so many coastal resilience projects promise to be — should we ask a schoolteacher from Frederick County or a bus driver from Omaha to help pay for it?

 

And who is to say that a new breakwater, while effective in some fashion, won’t deprive our little Tyaskin beach of the replenishing sand that is created by winter storms.

 

Mother Nature is going to win. In the long run, she always does.

 

I, for one, am OK if Tyaskin eventually washes into the Bay. I only get to use what Mother Nature created for a brief time. I have no expectation that it will survive forever.

 

 

This article was originally published in the Bay Journal. The views expressed by opinion columnists are not necessarily those of the Bay Journal.

 

 

Brad Johnson is the former president of ACN Energy Ventures, where he managed equity investments in alternative and renewable electricity. Today he spends much of his time exploring the marshes of the lower Nanticoke River.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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