My Short, Happy Time with Eleanor Roosevelt and Other Adventures in 1960

Sherwin Markman • April 27, 2021

“I detest his father,” Eleanor Roosevelt blurted out, shocking me by the unbridled emotion suddenly revealed by this elegant woman. “I am certain he will be controlled and corrupted by that awful man.” She was referring to Joseph Kennedy and his son, John Kennedy.

It was July 1960 and she was seated on the sofa in my hotel room. I was sitting on the floor, literally at her feet. We were alone, except for a young aide of hers. We were in Los Angeles at the time of the Democratic National Convention and we were watching a televised debate between John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. Kennedy’s nomination was being hotly contested not only by Johnson, but by a host of other candidates, including Adlai Stevenson, who was supported by Mrs. Roosevelt. I was then serving on Stevenson’s campaign staff.


As it happened, there was a somewhat unique aspect to my involvement with Stevenson. The previous May, I was invited to meet privately with John Kennedy in his hotel room. He was campaigning in Des Moines, my hometown. In 1956, I had headed the Iowa effort in Stevenson’s losing presidential bid against Dwight Eisenhower. Now in 1960, Stevenson was running for president for a third time, and, despite the fact that his campaign was showing no particular signs of life, I had once again agreed to lead in Iowa.

 

And so it was that Kennedy invited me to his room. There, he began effusively over-complimenting me. After a few minutes of that, he proceeded to offer me a position on his staff. After thanking him for the offer, I declined.

 

Kennedy was puzzled by my quick refusal. “Don’t you want to think about it?” he asked. “Several of your fellow Stevenson people have already come over to me.”

 

“Yes, I know that,” I stated. “They can do whatever they wish. As for me, I’ve made my commitment to Stevenson and I don’t think I want to break it.”

 

“Don’t you know that Stevenson doesn’t have a chance?” Kennedy asked. “I might not win, but he sure as hell won’t. How can you possibly disagree with that?”

 

“I can’t,” I admitted.

 

“Then you’re a damn fool and you really have no business being in politics,” Kennedy stated, not unkindly.

 

I couldn’t disagree with that either.

 

Nonetheless, I persisted in my efforts on behalf of Stevenson, and here I was at the July nominating convention. As it turned out, those efforts only managed to prove the accuracy of Kennedy’s observation concerning my lack of political acumen.

 

Consequently, despite all practical indications of the hopelessness of the cause, I found myself personally leading a very public last ditch effort to block Kennedy’s nomination.

 

The thinking behind this effort was that if Kennedy did not win on the first ballot, he would lose on subsequent ballots.

 

A significant number of Kennedy first-ballot votes would come from the release to Kennedy of so-called “favorite son” first-ballot votes, i.e., states where the delegates had been instructed by their nominating conventions to cast their votes for one of that state’s leaders.

 

That was the case with Iowa Gov. Herschel Loveless. The plan was to get the convention chairman to rule that “favorite son” pledged delegates must vote as pledged on the first ballot, thus denying Kennedy a first-ballot victory. And, because Loveless precisely fit into this mold, I, as a delegate from Iowa, was directed to lead the fight. Unfortunately for me, Loveless thought he had been promised the vice president nomination by Kennedy, and therefore any effort to block his withdrawal as a “favorite son” was anathema to Kennedy and, of course, to Loveless.

 

I was left with no doubt about Loveless’s feelings when, in a convention corridor with the press all around us, he stopped me to growl, “I’m going to destroy you, you no good son of a bitch.”

 

At the time, I believed this was my political death knell. The fact that a little over five years later I found myself serving in the White House as one of Lyndon Johnson’s assistants is a story for another day.

 

But at that time, and taking actions that I then thought clearly demonstrated the wisdom of Kennedy’s observation about my future, I fought on to the last. In the end, I found myself in a small office at the back of the convention dais, desperately and unsuccessfully arguing my case to Florida’s Gov. Leroy Collins, the convention chairman, with the assistance of Sen. Eugene McCarthy, who remained with me right up to the moment he walked out to give the nominating speech for Stevenson.

 

Then it was over. Kennedy was nominated on the first ballot and Stevenson, Johnson (for the moment), and all the others, were losers.

 

But none of that, in my memory, overrides the pleasure I received during that July day I spent with Eleanor Roosevelt.

 

It had come about because Mrs. Roosevelt, in her fervent wish to do everything she could to help Stevenson win the nomination, had offered to spend a day personally meeting with as many state delegations as possible. The Stevenson campaign was grateful and, for reasons never told to me, directed me to escort her. It was an experience I have never forgotten. Despite her age — then 76 — she was vigorous, full of energy, charm, and wisdom, and exhausting to keep up with. I thought she was effective but in reality, she probably did not change many votes.

 

In the middle of our journey through the state delegations, we received word that Kennedy and Johnson were about to have a televised debate before the Texas delegation. Mrs. Roosevelt turned me and said that she very much wanted to watch. “I want to watch privately,” she emphasized. But where? That would not be easy for a woman as universally recognized as Eleanor Roosevelt.

 

At that moment, we were visiting a delegation in a hotel ballroom which happened to be the hotel where I had a room — a small room at that. But it had a television. Gingerly, I suggested going there, and, without hesitation, she said, “Let’s go.”

 

And so we went.

 

After the debate concluded, I escorted Mrs. Roosevelt to the hotel entrance where her car was waiting. She thanked me and said goodbye.

 

Then she shook my hand. She had the softest, warmest hand I have ever touched.

 

 

Sherwin Markman, a graduate of the Yale Law School, lives with his wife, Kathryn (Peggy) in Rock Hall, Maryland. He served as an assistant to President Lyndon Johnson, after which was a trial lawyer in Washington, D.C. He has published several books, including one dealing with the Electoral College. He has also taught and lectured about the American political system.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
Protest against Trumpcare, 2017
By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
Right now, Congress is working on a fast-track bill that would make historic cuts to basic needs programs in order to finance another round of tax breaks for the wealthy and big corporations.
By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
Show More