Queen Anne’s County Takes Big Step in Solar

Linda G. Weimer • August 16, 2022


Queen Anne’s County’s newest and largest solar farm is a big step toward clean energy in Maryland. For nearby residents, however, Bluegrass Solar is a regrettable loss of valuable soils and familiar countryside. But to those charged with promoting the broad public interest, it’s not a case of black and white, good and bad, but a balanced innovation.

 

Bluegrass Solar is racing to complete its new solar array on 320 acres of the 500-acre Knight farm, whose family members signed 25-year leases with developers to bring it about, with options for 10 more years. About eight miles southeast of Chestertown, the facility in the north end of Queen Anne’s is bounded by John Powell, Pondtown, Sheriff Meredith, Bowers, and Ewingtown roads. The property measures 4.5 miles around.

 

This project should be cheering environmentalists eager to slow global warming by adding an 80 megawatt (MW) no-emission generator to the regional grid. The delivery takes place via an on-site substation directly to a high-voltage Delmarva Power transmission line that passes above the property. Once all the facility’s 188,000 solar panels are online, Bluegrass electricity should power 64,000 homes. That would rank Bluegrass second in the state to Great Bay Solar, with 145 MWs in Somerset County.

 

With the passage in April of Maryland’s Climate Solutions Now Act, the state set itself a goal of reducing greenhouse gasses by 60 percent of the 2006 level by 2031. By 2050, the Act says, the state should be emitting zero heat holding gas. Even as environmentalists, such as the Maryland League of Conservation Voters, praise the Act as the most ambitious of any state, others see it as unfeasible. Reasons are obvious: As of early 2022, PJM (a regional transmission organization that coordinates the movement of wholesale electricity) had a backlog of over 800 proposed renewable projects to review, some waiting for two years. Further, the biggest share of heat-trapping emissions in the state comes not from power plants, but from cars, trucks, and other motor vehicles.

 

With state and federal tax incentives and the decreasing costs of solar panels, solar developers are finally enjoying a boom, and with its flat terrain, Maryland’s Eastern Shore is a draw.

 


Bluegrass’ senior project manager, Jay Marx of Narenco, Inc., of Charlotte, N.C., sounded enthusiastic as he talked about the many subcontractors — up to 280 workers on site per day — aimed at delivering Bluegrass on time.

 

After weeks of testing, Bluegrass should be fully engaged by Thanksgiving, he said. The builders are made up of solar professionals, firms that put in bids and “travel the country from job to job,” some sinking steel posts that anchor the rows of panels, others attaching plywood-sized, 4x8 foot solar panels. “The money’s really good too,” he added.

 

The payment to farmers is also good. Sources set the average at $1,000 per acre per year, considerably more than the average profit from farming, and without labor, expenses, and the uncertainties of weather and markets. 

 

“I’m trying to reach the schools, get them to take a field trip, so they can see what solar is all about,” Marx added. A feature of Bluegrass’s design is panels that move; since about 2018, most ground-mounted panels track the angle of sunlight, boosting power about 30 percent.

 

The grays — the mix of pros and cons in the project — are noted by people such as County Commissioner Jack Wilson (whose District 1 includes the Knight property), the QA Board of Appeals, and Amy Moredock, planning director for Queen Anne’s County.

 

Wilson says he and others fought off utility-scale solar proposals for at least five years. Since then, court decisions have established that Maryland counties face severe threats of lost autonomy in their planning and zoning roles if they reject projects approved by the Maryland Public Service Commission, which regulates utilities in the state. That commission has also been charged with increasing the number of renewable (solar and wind) power facilities in operation.

 

“We have to play nice in the Public Service Commission sandbox,” Wilson said. Public hearings on those failed projects were attended by huge crowds, he noted, and at that time, such political pressure was sufficient to dissuade the commission. Today, backed by case law, it can act more independently.

 

Wilson said the danger to the county’s authority was worse than utility-scale solar in an agricultural area. Under the county zoning code, solar projects are a conditional use allowed in areas zoned agriculture or countryside. They must be approved by the County Board of Appeals. Bluegrass was approved with many stipulations by a 2-to-1 vote. The county commissioners had no vote on it.

 

Still, Wilson said Bluegrass riled enough District 1 residents that he faced an anti-Bluegrass challenger in the July 19 Republican primary and won by only 38 votes out of 5,430 cast. The position of commissioner pays $25,000 annually.

 

Twelve nearby residents almost unanimously opposed the project during the June 2019 public hearings by the Board of Appeals, fewer at local hearings by the Public Service Commission. There are about 20 properties adjacent to the solar field’s 4.5-mile boundary, most on Ewingtown Road.

 

Residents objected to potential storm run-off, the area’s lost rural character, and more cumbersome operations for surrounding farms. They also predicted a severe impact on the area’s migrating waterfowl.

 

The loss of 500 acres of forage and roosting space would also mean the loss of autumn income to hunting outfitters and guides, who are often farmers in summer, several testified. The developer provided a retired state wildfowl expert who disputed that prediction since local ponds remain. But the remarks of the local hunting faction bore heavily on the “No” vote from the Appeals Board’s then-chair, Kenneth Scott. He wrote, “I think the evidence establishes beyond any doubt the significance of waterfowl and hunting to this neighborhood.”

 

Scott was outvoted by board members Craig McGinnes and Bill Moore. They noted it made sense to put the installation where high-voltage lines pass overhead in accordance with the county’s ‘utility solar overlay’ district created in late 2017. That law confines such projects to within two miles of transmission lines. The measure sought to prevent disturbing a wider area as building underground connections from distant solar sites would have done.

 

Then in September 2019, the Public Service Commission added its stamp of approval, granting Bluegrass a Certificate of Public Convenience and Necessity. Reviews and some additional requirements were set forth by state agencies covering archeologic and historic properties (none known on site); avoidance of woods and wetlands (standards met); protecting soil, air and water qualities and threatened fresh-water mussels nearby; and preserving a pleasant view through landscaping a buffer strip.

 

Amy Moredock, the county’s planning director, echoed Wilson’s and the Appeals Board’s and Commission’s views. She emphasized the scrutiny that Bluegrass has received and will continue to receive. The goal is to ensure the operator follows the many environmental details in their license, which include posting bond to ensure total removal of all equipment within 12 months after the facility reaches the end of its useful life, generally around 25 years. 

 

While under construction, the site is regularly visited by the county’s zoning and public works staff, Moredock said. Wilson said he was notified of storm run-off by neighbors, which resulted in orders to repair silt fences. Residents have already called with concerns about the prescribed variety of plants, mostly native species, going in the vegetation buffer.

 

The mix of trees and shrubs was designed by Moredock’s predecessor, Michael Wisnosky. At Bluegrass, using a state incentive, clear areas and spaces among the panels will be seeded as meadows to encourage insect pollinators, now in worrisome decline. Some studies indicate such untilled meadows over several decades may leave soils healthier than farming them.

 

Moredock summed up the situation: “Every county in Maryland has a role to play in supporting the state’s clean energy goals. But we have to be clear that agricultural land is not unused land, not vacant land up for grabs.”

 

 

Linda G. Weimer retired from full-time news reporting in 2009 after three years with the Sun Media Group's suburban Baltimore weeklies. As a freelancer, her work has appeared in more than a dozen regional and national publications, including The Washington Post, Sierra Magazine, Seafood Leader, and the New York Times.

 

Common Sense for the Eastern Shore

By Friends of Megan Outten July 29, 2025
Megan Outten, a lifelong Wicomico County resident and former Salisbury City Councilwoman, officially announced her candidacy recently for Wicomico County Council, District 7. At 33, Outten brings the energy of a new generation combined with a proven record of public service and results-driven leadership. “I’m running because Wicomico deserves better,” Outten said. “Too often, our communities are expected to do more with less. We’re facing underfunded schools, limited economic opportunities, and years of neglected infrastructure. I believe Wicomico deserves leadership that listens, plans ahead, and delivers real, measurable results.” A Record of Action and A Vision for the Future On Salisbury’s City Council, Outten earned a reputation for her proactive, hands-on approach — working directly with residents to close infrastructure gaps, support first responders, and ensure everyday voices were heard. Now she’s bringing that same focus to the County Council, with priorities centered on affordability, public safety, and stronger, more resilient communities. Key Priorities for District 7: Fully fund public schools so every child has the opportunity to succeed. Fix aging infrastructure and county services through proactive investment. Keep Wicomico affordable with smarter planning and pathways to homeownership. Support first responders and safer neighborhoods through better tools, training, and prevention. Expand resources for seniors, youth, and underserved communities. Outten’s platform is rooted in real data and shaped by direct community engagement. With Wicomico now the fastest-growing school system on Maryland’s Eastern Shore — and 85% of students relying on extra resources — she points to the county’s lagging investment as a key area for action. “Strong schools lead to strong jobs, thriving industries, and healthier communities,” Outten said. “Our schools and infrastructure are at a tipping point. We need leadership that stops reacting after things break — and starts investing before they do.” A Commitment to Home and Service Born and raised in Wicomico, Megan Outten sees this campaign as a continuation of her lifelong service to her community. Her vision reflects what she’s hearing from neighbors across the county: a demand for fairness, opportunity, and accountability in local government. “Wicomico is my home; it’s where I grew up, built my life, and where I want to raise my family,” Outten said. “Our county is full of potential. We just need leaders who will listen, work hard, and get things done. That’s what I’ve always done, and that’s exactly what I’ll continue to do on the County Council.” Outten will be meeting with residents across District 7 in the months ahead and unveiling more details of her platform. For more information or to get involved, contact info@meganoutten.com
By John Christie July 29, 2025
Way back in 1935, the Supreme Court determined that independent agencies like the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC), the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) do not violate the Constitution’s separation of powers. Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935). Congress provided that the CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, would operate as an independent agency — a multi-member, bipartisan commission whose members serve staggered terms and could be removed only “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office but for no other cause.” Rejecting a claim that the removal restriction interferes with the “executive power,” the Humphrey’s Court held that Congress has the authority to “forbid their [members’] removal except for cause” when creating such “quasi-legislative or quasi-judicial” bodies. As a result, these agencies have operated as independent agencies for many decades under many different presidencies. Shortly after assuming office in his second term, Donald Trump began to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of several of these agencies. The lower courts determined to reinstate the discharged members pending the ultimate outcome of the litigation, relying on Humphrey’s , resulting in yet another emergency appeal to the Supreme Court by the administration. In the first such case, a majority of the Court allowed President Trump to discharge the Democratic members of the NLRB and the MSPB while the litigation over the legality of the discharges continued. Trump v. Wilcox (May 22, 2025). The majority claimed that they do not now decide whether Humphrey’s should be overruled because “that question is better left for resolution after full briefing and argument.” However, hinting that these agency members have “considerable” executive power and suggesting that “the Government” faces greater “risk of harm” from an order allowing a removed officer to continue exercising the executive power than a wrongfully removed officer faces from being unable to perform her statutory duty,” the majority gave the President the green light to proceed. Justice Kagan, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, dissented, asserting that Humphrey’s remains good law until overturned and forecloses both the President’s firings and the Court’s decision to award emergency relief.” Our emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to “overrule or revise existing law.” Moreover, the dissenters contend that the majority’s effort to explain their decision “hardly rises to the occasion.” Maybe by saying that the Commissioners exercise “considerable” executive power, the majority is suggesting that Humphrey’s is no longer good law but if that is what the majority means, then it has foretold a “massive change” in the law and done so on the emergency docket, “with little time, scant briefing, and no argument.” And, the “greater risk of harm” in fact is that Congress provided for these discharged members to serve their full terms, protected from a President’s desire to substitute his political allies. More recently, in the latest shadow docket ruling in the administration’s favor, the same majority of the Court again permitted President Trump to fire, without cause, the Democratic members of another independent agency, this time the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC). Trump v. Boyle (July 23, 2025). The same three justices dissented, once more objecting to the use of the Court’s emergency docket to destroy the independence of an independent agency as established by Congress. The CPSC, like the NLRB and MSPB, was designed to operate as “a classic independent agency.” In Congress’s view, that structure would better enable the CPSC to achieve its mission — ensuring the safety of consumer products, from toys to appliances — than would a single-party agency under the full control of a single President. “By allowing the President to remove Commissioners for no reason other than their party affiliation, the majority has negated Congress’s choice of agency bipartisanship and independence.” The dissenters also assert that the majority’s sole professed basis for the more recent order in Boyle was its prior order in Wilcox . But in their opinion, Wilcox itself was minimally explained. So, the dissenters claim, the majority rejects the design of Congress for a whole class of agencies by “layering nothing on nothing.” “Next time, though, the majority will have two (if still under-reasoned) orders to cite. Truly, this is ‘turtles all the way down.’” Rapanos v. United States (2006). * ***** *In Rapanos , in a footnote to his plurality opinion, former Supreme Court Justice Scalia explained that this allusion is to a classic story told in different forms and attributed to various authors. His favorite version: An Eastern guru affirms that the earth is supported on the back of a tiger. When asked what supports the tiger, he says it stands upon an elephant; and when asked what supports the elephant, he says it is a giant turtle. When asked, finally, what supports the giant turtle, he is briefly taken aback, but quickly replies "Ah, after that it is turtles all the way down." John Christie was for many years a senior partner in a large Washington, D.C. law firm. He specialized in anti-trust litigation and developed a keen interest in the U.S. Supreme Court about which he lectures and writes.
By Shore Progress, Progessive Maryland, Progressive Harford Co July 15, 2025
Marylanders will not forget this vote.
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By Jan Plotczyk July 9, 2025
More than 30,000 of our neighbors in Maryland’s first congressional district will lose their health insurance through the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid because of provisions in the GOP’s heartless tax cut and spending bill passed last week.
Farm in Dorchester Co.
By Michael Chameides, Barn Raiser May 21, 2025
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By Catlin Nchako, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities May 21, 2025
The House Agriculture Committee recently voted, along party lines, to advance legislation that would cut as much as $300 million from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. SNAP is the nation’s most important anti-hunger program, helping more than 41 million people in the U.S. pay for food. With potential cuts this large, it helps to know who benefits from this program in Maryland, and who would lose this assistance. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities compiled data on SNAP beneficiaries by congressional district, cited below, and produced the Maryland state datasheet , shown below. In Maryland, in 2023-24, 1 in 9 people lived in a household with SNAP benefits. In Maryland’s First Congressional District, in 2023-24: Almost 34,000 households used SNAP benefits. Of those households, 43% had at least one senior (over age 60). 29% of SNAP recipients were people of color. 15% were Black, non-Hispanic, higher than 11.8% nationally. 6% were Hispanic (19.4% nationally). There were 24,700 total veterans (ages 18-64). Of those, 2,200 lived in households that used SNAP benefits (9%). The CBPP SNAP datasheet for Maryland is below. See data from all the states and download factsheets here.
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